Titser! Titser! 
ni Louie Andres 

Bakit parang di na ako natutuwa,
sa propesyong kinuha?
Ang hangad ko lamang ay makapagbigay-talino,
pero bakit parang sobra na ang pagod ko?

Isang dakilang larangan daw ang maging guro.
Dapat ay may alam ka sa paksa,
pati kilos at sinasabi mo’y dapat tumutugma.
Mag-submit din ng mga papel na naaakma.

Apat na taon sa kolehiyo ang tutugunan
May masters pa at PhD na dapat ding makamtan
Kapalit ay kakarampot na suweldo,
pati ang oras sa pamilya iyong isasakripisyo.

Dal'wang buwang pahinga ikaw ay bibigyan,
may pa-Christmas break, term break, holidays din naman.
Kaya ang pagliban ay iwasan
Dahil may batang uhaw sa ibibigay mong karunungan.

Ang mga estudyante at colleagues ang nagiging sandigan
“Kapit lang” ang kanilang tinuturan
Mangibang-bansa kaya na lamang,
kung saan mas maganda ang pastulan?

Ngayong Buwan ng Mga Guro,
si EK, Sambo, pati si St. Peter ay ilan lang sa bumati. 
Nagsabi rin ang mga mag-aaral, pati mga kasamang katangi-tangi. 
Ngunit, sa okasyong ito, ano nga ba ang tunay na minimithi?

–––

Magandang Umaga, Paalam
ni Gerald Buso

Buwan ng Hunyo nang mabuo ang bago nating pamilya. Nariyan ang iyong kaba at pangamba, subalit ako nama'y walang mapagsidlan ng tuwa. Tuwa na sa wakas ako'y muling nabuo pagkatapos mawalay sa pamilyang aking nakasama sa huli kong klase na kaysaya.

Isang buwan ang nagdaan nang maramdaman kong tayo'y napapalapit na sa isa't isa. Biro ko't, biro 'nyo'y tila nagkakasabayan na.

Ilang linggo pa ang nakalipas, eto at solid na ang ating pagsasama. Minsan ay sabay sa pananghailan, madalas nagsasalu-salo sa paborito nating halo-halo na taglima. Salamat nga pala kay Christine, sa ibinigay n'yang mangga. Nagmamamahal, ang inyong Sir Kuya.

Araw ay lumipas, talakayan ay patuloy na umaarangkada. Pawis ko man ay tila butas sa bubong ang pagpatak, kailanman ay 'di ininda. Salamat din nga pala sa matamis 'nyong "Goodbye, Sir," kahit ako'y di nakakalabas pa.

Apat na buwan ang niluma ng panahon, puso ko'y nagsisimula nang mangamba. Pangambang 'di ko man gusto'y anim na buwan na lamang ang natitira at ako'y iiwan 'nyo na. Pangambang ako ba'y sa bintana'y dudungawin pa?

Pero kaming mga guro'y magagaling din na artista. Taon-taon mukha lang masaya, pero puso nami'y nagdurugo sa tuwing naiisip na lahat ng nabubuong pagsasama ay hahantong din sa pag-iisa.

Buwan ng Marso, hudyat ng inyong paglisan sa minsang nabuo nating pamilya. Nariyan ang iyong tuwa, sa wakas, ikaw ay nakapasa. Subalit ako nama'y walang kasidlan ng pangamba. Pangamba na ako'y muling mag-iisa pagkatapos ng sampung buwan nating pagsasama. 

– Rappler.com

Louie Andres is a pseudonym for the author, who is a teacher. 

Gerald Buso is a Grade 7 teacher from Biliran National Agricultural High School, a public school in the Province of Biliran. He has been teaching for 3 years, and no longer sees his profession as a source of income, but a source of joy every single day. 

The Supreme Court should be ready by now to resolve Ferdinand Marcos Jr’s protest asking it to overturn in his favor Leni Robredo’s election in May 2016 as Vice President. After all, the court has been at it longer than half the six-year term of the contested office. Moreover, Associate Justice Benjamin Caguioa has already submitted the report that is supposed to form the basis of the verdict.

By “resolve” I mean decide between Marcos and Robredo, not to what next stage of deliberation to take the protest.

At any rate, if the verdict goes Robredo’s way or the case is dragged out further, basically nothing changes: she remains as Vice President and gets to continue as a saving grace of Philippine public service. She also remains first in the line of succession to the presidency, and there lies the great, desperate hope of every Filipino citizen clear-eyed and fair-minded or otherwise normal enough to recognize the incapacity, the immorality, the insanity, of the Duterte regime and the nightmare it has visited upon us. 

More of that will likely be the foregone consequence of a verdict favoring Marcos. His family and Duterte subscribe to the same draconian style of leadership and are invested heavily in each other. Duterte openly wishes Marcos were his successor and professes idolatry for Marcos’s father, the late dictator. He admits owing his election to the Marcoses substantially, even publicly acknowledging Marcos’ eldest sister, Imee, as the representative family contributor to his campaign. In the midterms, just last May, she ran on the ticket Duterte had sanctified and now sits in the Senate holding one of the majority votes for him.

If the Supreme Court decides for Marcos, Duterte gets his chance at relief. Advancing suddenly from provincial-city mayor to President, he has been complaining lately of being sick and tired, and he certainly looks it in every sense. But no way is he abdicating for Robredo – she simply cannot be imagined being anything other than a cleanup president.

Indeed, cleaning up after Duterte is the massive emergency awaiting his successor. The crimes of his regime – its drug-war kills, its institutional corruption, its treasonous dealings with China – are the sort that leaves an extensive and still compounding mess. All the same, Marcos, if the job fell to him, would be expected to default and find ways to protect Duterte. But then he would only be useful in that way for the remainder of his term. To be useful longer, he’d have to get elected President himself, a prospect that might improve with the advantage of incumbency.

In any case, the Supreme Court has to decide now. Any more delays will only fuel already existing suspicions of something taking too long to cook, especially with Caguioa’s report in the justices’ hands for more than a month now.

The report constitutes a draft decision, but Chief Justice Lucas Bersamin says the court is not bound by it, which is why a vote has yet to be taken. Is he implying that there’s reason to think that Caguioa has done more in his report than stick to the numbers? But how can an open and simple process of recounting be complicated or manipulated with any credibility?

To be sure, too many incredible things have happened in the Supreme Court, precisely in cases where Duterte had an interest. To be fair, Caguioa had nothing to do with any of them, but Bersamin did have, with his consistently affirming vote.

Without any concrete evidence and on the mere word of life-term convicts obviously herded for the show, the Supreme Court upheld the detention without bail of Senator Leila de Lima, whom they accused of drug trafficking (now reduced to conspiracy). De Lima had begun hounding Duterte for death-squad murders when she was chairman of the Commission on Human Rights and he was mayor of Davao City.

Also, the Supreme Court usurped the senatorial power to try an impeached official, its own chief justice in this case, Maria Lourdes Sereno. It effectively deposed her by coup. A confluence of self-interest made it easy. By bypassing the majority of the justices, Sereno had incurred their profound resentment; for his part, the despotic and narcissistic Duterte could not stand her independent-mindedness; and the Senate – well, it just seems to like hanging on Duterte’s coattails and being dragged along.

The Supreme Court did not act exclusively as hatchet man; it also went along with Duterte as rehabilitator. And, in that role, there’s no precedent more pertinent and premonitory than its decision to allow a hero’s burial for Ferdinand Marcos Sr. – Rappler.com

You are a teacher. 

Your profession is celebrated worldwide. You touch generations by selflessly producing seeds of wisdom. You don't know where your seeds will blossom, but you still drop everything to nurture them for whatever purpose they may serve. You are even hailed as having the "noblest profession of them all."

Everyone crowns you as "noble" because of your social responsibilities, such as being catalysts for change and nurturers of young minds in a bid to improve the future. 

You are the "unsung hero" for your wholehearted willingness to set aside greener pastures, opting instead for a legacy of imparting knowledge and influencing people's lives. 

For you, there are enough reasons to make teaching not just a responsibility but a moral duty. Though you lack appreciation from others, you still handle diverse and numerous classes, continuous professional development, administrative duties, academic publications, and more.

Though you are aware that being a teacher might not be the biggest weapon to combat our nation's economic crisis, you still hold on to the hope of delivering social mobility through education, gradual as it may be. And you believe this is possible by practicing democracy in teaching. 

As an educator, you promote democracy in the classroom. The big question is, as a teacher, are you really included in this so-called "democracy," so as to improve the educational system? Is your voice really being heard?

In the 21st century, teachers are required to be more progressive in delivering lessons to students. Every student must actively take part in learning. Performance management systems even monitor if teachers are religiously complying with this. Students must be heard at all times and their welfare is of paramount consideration.

Failing an incompetent student must be the last decision to make. Numerous processes and negotiations must be done accordingly, and it is usually about answering the question, "What did you do as a teacher?"

Teachers follow policies by the government, school officials, and stakeholders to care for their students' welfare. There is nothing wrong with this, but none of the policies look after the welfare of teachers. 

Teachers enjoy all this glorification and recognition, but what about their actual needs and wants at the root of their profession? How can teachers practice democracy in classrooms if the government is not practicing it for their welfare? 

Every policy imposed on teachers, meant to measure their productivity and effectiveness, are just implemented without consultation, despite the fact that teachers are direct agents of change in this society. Thus, these policies are not really pro-teacher. Instead, they restrict the academic freedom that educators are all entitled to.

The battle for a salary increase has long been fought, but it remains mere words to the ears of lawmakers, and used (and abused) as promises by political hopefuls during elections.

Honoring teachers must not be limited to celebrating them once a year or giving them discounts and tributes. Neglecting the voices of these heroes must be considered a social sin, for these voices must be prioritized. In every society, teachers must be the first to experience and model what a democracy should be.

Heroes do not expect compensation for their heroic deeds, but it is now time for the people in power to bestow upon teachers the recognition beneficial to them, for they are the ones responsible for the betterment of humanity as a whole. Let teachers finally reap the honor that they sow.– Rappler.com

Sonia Tomalabcad, 23, is a junior high school Araling Panlipunan teacher at Malanday National High School and a Philippine Studies student at the Asian Center, University of the Philippines Diliman. She is a Heroes Hub Youth Fellow and a member of Dakila: Philippine Collective for Modern Heroism.

This piece is part of a series by youth leaders from #WeTheFuturePH, a nonpartisan movement of Filipino youth standing up for rights, freedom, and democracy.

The bill elevating the Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) to a national polytechnic university was recently vetoed by President Duterte. This was supposed to be a big leap for PUP’s additional funding with fiscal and institutional autonomy, but what’s really with such a proposed law? (READ: [OPINION] A national polytechnic university?)

While PUP deserves the designation as the country’s national polytechnic university by the State because of its long years of excellence and achievements in democratizing quality education, especially for the marginalized sector, the bill, however, seems to be haphazardly drafted in the absence of a truly democratic public hearing and consultation with all stakeholders and/or interested parties.

Likewise, there are some legal defects and apparent ambiguities that may be questioned in the future, as well as provisions serving the personal interests of incumbent officials.

Thus, the bill is counterproductive, anti-education, anti-alumni, anti-students, and anti-science.

No Board of Regents resolution on the amendments

Considering the extensive effects of the Charter amendments on PUP, it is very unlikely that the Board of Regents (BOR) was excluded from the discussions and preparations of the proposed amendments. Moreover, the BOR of the University did not conduct a thorough study on the specific provisions.

The greatest blunder is the absence of a Board Resolution regarding the Charter amendments, which shall enumerate the provisions to be retained and those to be amended.

DOST representative removed as member of the Board

Notwithstanding PUP’s supposed thrust focusing on polytechnic areas, the proposed bill unceremoniously removed the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) representative from the list of members of the BOR.

The academic thrust of PUP is science and technology, and the academic sector compliments this vision of the University.

Based on RA 8292, a DOST representative shall be a part of the Board; thereby, DOST’s role as a member of the Board cannot be undermined. This mandate has slipped the minds of our good lawmakers.  

Automatic 6-year extension of term of the incumbent University President

The bill, which states the incumbent president shall become the first president of the University upon its effectivity, is essentially a term extension of the incumbent PUP president, whose second term will expire in March 2020 and who is disqualified for another term. 

Section 6 of RA 8292 states that the president shall only have a term of four (4) years and shall be eligible for reappointment for another term. Apparently, the Senate Bill No. 2124 as lobbied by the incumbent University President is a way by which the term limit set forth in RA 8292 may be legislatively circumvented.

While declaring PUP as a national polytechnic university is advantageous, provisions on the appointment of the incumbent president as first president once the bill is approved defeats the noble purpose, for the intention of the incumbent administration to hold onto power is as clear as day. Had the bill been passed, the incumbent PUP president will have served uninterrupted 14 years as president in the year 2026. The incumbent president, as well as his cohorts, is set to taste the fruits of the law he lobbied.

Understandably, the provision on automatic election/appointment of the incumbent president as first president of PUP as a national polytechnic university violates the spirit of RA 8292.

With the proposed amendment, the incumbent president’s performance, honesty, and integrity will no longer be subjected to the rigorous evaluation of a search committee or the BOR. Hence, the bill legislates the appointment and selection of the university president contrary to the spirit and substance of RA 8292, and the democratic processes in electing a university president will lead to naught.

Country’s first polytechnic university as historical inaccuracy

The poorly-researched claim, which says that PUP is the country’s first polytechnic university, is something open to historical contestations.

Several state universities and colleges (SUCs) such as Bulacan State University (formerly Bulacan Trade School, est. 1904), Don Honorio Ventura State University (formerly Bacolor Trade School, est. 1905; Pampanga Trade School, est. 1909), and Technological University of the Philippines (formerly Manila Trade School, est. 1901) may have the same claim.

It should be mentioned that PUP was originally established as a business school in 1904 and was known as the Philippine College of Commerce. It was only in 1978 through Presidential Decree 1341 signed by then-President Ferdinand E. Marcos that the university was converted into a polytechnic university. 

Overarching power to absorb non-chartered HEIs

The proposed amendment gives overarching power to PUP to absorb non-chartered higher education institutions (HEIs). The amendment particularly states that the PUP BOR shall have the power to absorb non-chartered tertiary institutions within its respective provinces. This provision is highly questionable as it grants power to the Board not otherwise enjoyed by other national agencies such as the Commission on Higher Education (CHED).

Defective process; no public consultation with stakeholders

The University officials, who lobbied for the bill in the House of Representatives and the Senate, did not conduct any public hearing or consultation with students, alumni, faculty members, administrative employees, and any other stakeholders, which is crucial in the process. (READ: Are PUP students' rights under attack?)

For example, some fees that may directly affect the students should have been consulted at the very least through a truly democratic public hearing. However, the students were not involved in crafting the bill.

Likewise, the Alumni Federation of the University was not given the opportunity to thoroughly study the bill. The Federation, along with 33 alumni associations under its wing, was never invited to any public hearing or consultation. The bill directly affects the Federation, especially the appointment of the alumni representative to the BOR of the University.

The faculty members and administrative employees were never involved in the public consultation. If there is anything that the University officials did, it was a meeting sometime in 2018 where they announced before a few faculty members and employees that the University would rally for PUP’s becoming a national polytechnic university.

Such a case reflects a defective process, notwithstanding the fact that a majority of the bill’s provisions may directly or indirectly affect the stakeholders.

PUP has more than 20 satellite campuses all over Luzon, but local government units (LGUs) where these campuses are situated were also ignored in the bill-making process.

PUP has SUC Level 2 status only

Other SUCs were also not invited to convey their comments, objections, and reactions about the bill. Objectively, SUCs may also react because of PUP’s downgraded status from Level IV to Level II during the first term of PUP President Emanuel de Guzman covering the period 2012-2016.

Most degree programs of the university lack the Certificate of Program Compliance (COPC). Also, the university does not have a single academic program recognized as a Center of Excellence or Center of Development by CHED. Thus, given these conditions, elevating PUP’s status to a national polytechnic university in comparison with other SUCs may not sit well with several public HEIs.

Although at the onset, our personal temperament would point to a biased opinion that PUP deserves the national polytechnic university status, we still would like the university to have the said status without any doubts or ill reactions from its peers. Surely, we do not want the university where we dedicated our prime years and youth to be a laughing stock of other SUCs in the country. We want the recognition to be a product of objectivity, sound judgment, and professional competence.

Other non-chartered tertiary institutions were not also consulted considering the prodigious power of the PUP BOR to absorb these institutions within its respective provinces.

Further, no public hearing or consultation was registered or recorded involving stakeholders such as parents, industry partners, professional organizations, regulating bodies, e.g., Professional Regulatory Commission (PRC), and accrediting institutions and organizations, e.g., Accrediting Agency for Chartered Colleges and Universities of the Philippines (AACCUP), Association of Local Colleges and Universities Commission on Accreditation (ALCUCOA), and the like.

As argued earlier, we don’t disagree with the entire bill, but we are very cautious about certain provisions that we think were abused by the incumbent PUP officials who speak sweet words to serve their own ends. 

We want our University to have the fiscal and academic autonomy that the proposed amendment primarily champions; but we do not want PUP to be labeled as a university that railroaded a bill by politicking and maneuvering. We would like the university to have the recognition it so rightfully deserves because of its history of excellence and integrity, without any cloud of doubt that may be cast later by other SUCs or other interest groups. (READ: LIST: What are the top 10 schools for employers?)

The 3-billion automatic budget allocation is also guaranteed for PUP, for this has probably long been an aspiration of men and women in the university. However, the fiscal performance of the present administration shall also be investigated considering the underutilization of fund and other related issues as per Commission on Audit (COA) report from 2012-2017.

PUP truly deserves the national polytechnic university status. We have a pool of the brightest students in the country as well as dedicated teaching staff; but we need to reassess our real situation and improve our processes and the management of the university.

We need better officials who can lead us to the pedestal of unquestionable national polytechnic university status.

For the Sintang Paaralan, I remain! – Rappler.com

Joseph Masangkay Lardizabal taught in PUP for 12 years under the College of Business Administration and also served as university official. He is now the president of the Human Resource Educators' Association of the Philippines, Inc. 

Kung bakit hinamon pang mag-commute si Presidential Spokesman Salvador Panelo, hindi namin alam.

May debate pa ba na usad-pagong ang trapiko sa Metro Manila? Kuwestiyon pa ba kung mayroon ngang “transportation crisis”?

Hind mahirap intindihin ang problema at kailangang lamang ng konting pagsasaliksik (at pag-iisip).

Kapag naintindihan na ng mga opisyal ng gobyerno ang tunay na suliranin, dito na papasok ang mapapait ngunit susing pagsasakripisyo – hindi ang mga kakatwang panukala tulad ng coding na nakabatay sa brand ng kotse mo (halimbawa, Lunes bawal ang Toyota, Martes bawal ang Honda, etc.) at ang one-way na EDSA at C5.

Ayon sa isang pag-aaral ng Asian Development Bank nitong 2019, pinakamasikip – barado – na lungsod ang Kamaynilaan sa 278 na lungsod sa developing Asia. 

Sa mga sasakyang dumaraan sa EDSA, 67% ay kotse at 3% lamang ang bus. (So ano nga ba ang kuwenta ng bus ban sa EDSA?) 

Ang LRT, 35 taon na; ang MRT, 20 taon; ang LRT2, 16 na taon. Panahon pa ni Rizal ang Philippine National Railways o PNR. 

Noong 2017, nasa average ng 10 kada linggo ang insidente ng pagtirik ng MRT. Noong 2018, halos araw-araw ang breakdown. Simula noong 2016, nakatengga ang Dalian trains, maliban sa ilang unit na tinesting, dahil hindi tugma sa riles.

Noong 2012, tinukoy ng isang pag-aaral ng ADB ang mga hamon ng transportasyon:

• Mababang kalidad ng network ng mga kalye
• Hindi magkakaugnay ang iba’t ibang anyo ng trasportasyon o “poor intermodal integration”
• Mahinang pamamalakad ng gobyerno at mahinang institusyon ng transportasyon
• Kakulangan ng de-kalidad na urban transport systems
• Limitadong pamumuhunan ng pribadong sektor sa impraestruktura

Isa sa mga nasa limbo ang Public Utility Vehicle Modernization Program (PUVMP) na naglalayong mag-phase out ng mga lumang jeepney sa kalsada. Wala ito sa budget para sa 2020. Kaya’t masidhi ang damdamin ng mga drayber na nagtigil-pasada bilang pagtutol dito. Sila ang mawawalan ng hanapbuhay habang walang matinong ayudang maibibigay ang pamahalaan. (BASAHIN: PUV modernization gets no budget in 2020: Who suffers?) 

(Samantala, ang tanging alam gawin ng tagapagsalita ng MMDA na si Celine Pialago ay kutyain ang umano’y di matagumpay na tigil-pasada na nauwi sa suspensyon ng trabaho at eskuwela. Tsk, tsk.)

Mabalik tayo kay Panelo. Mukhang hindi lamang ang krisis sa transportasyon ang tumingkad – maging ang “authenticity crisis” ng mga tagapagsalita ng gobyerno ang litaw na litaw.

Hindi kailangan ng bayan ng mga utak-butiking gimik at grandstanding. Sa bandang huli, tumataginting na halos 4 na oras ang kinailangan ni Panelo para makarating mula New Manila sa Quezon City papuntang Malacañang. Hirit ng isang motorista sa social media, "Doing it a day is not the same as doing it 365 days for 20 years."

Walang pagtatatalunan. May krisis sa transportasyon – at lalong may krisis sa EQ at IQ ng gobyerno para maintindihan ang problema.

Ano na ang ginagawa ni Transportation Secretary Arturo Tugade matapos niyang iurong ang panukalang mabigyan ng emergency powers ang Pangulo (na ipapasa naman sa kanya bilang hepe ng Department of Transportation) para malutas ang problema sa trapik? Totoo ba ang hirit ni Senadora Grace Poe na puro "dream plan" ang kalihim at ginagamit ang hindi pagkakaroon ng emergency powers na sangkalan ng kapalpakan?

Hindi rin natatangi sa administrasyong ito ang palpak na pangagasiwa ng trapiko. Marami sa mga problemang ito’y nagsimula sa mga sablay na kontratang pinasok ng administrasyong Aquino sa ilalim ni dating transportation secretary Jun Abaya.

Kung paniniwalaan si Panelo, tayo na ang reklamador, tayo na ang spoiled. Tayo na ang ayaw gumising nang maaga upang makarating sa paroroonan nang maaga.

Dahil gusto nating huwag lustayin ang oras sa trapik. Dahil sawang-sawa na tayong umalis ng bahay habang tulog pa ang mga anak natin, at dumating sa bahay na tulog na ulit sila. Dahil nais natin ng buhay na hindi nakatunganga nang 6 hanggang 7 oras sa trapik. Araw-araw. 

Parang tambutso ang spokesman na nagbubuga ng nakakalasong polusyon habang tinatabunan ang katotohanan. 

Parang awa mo na, Panelo, huwag ka nang pa-challenge-challenge at baka lalo kang makalanghap ng masamang hangin.

Baka madagdagan pa ang mga gimik mong palso, nakakainsulto, at mapanlait sa paghihirap ng taumbayan. – Rappler.com

Everyone thought they knew Carlos Celdran. He was good at making you feel at home, making you feel like a friend, like you were in on a secret. That was the core of his charm. He made everyone feel like they were getting to see the secret side of Carlos, the way he showed you the secret side of Manila – or of Imelda. That was his gift. But if you knew Carlos, you would know him as a deeply frustrating man. (READ: Carlos Celdran dies at 46)

I met him when I was a kid, I was outspoken, spunky, sheltered, and stupid. And in Carlos, I saw a kindred spirit. He was just finding his footing as a "tour guy." He was still calling for tours on the steps of the Manila Cathedral. There were 8 of us on the first tour and at the end of it, he called for questions. I had just had my little mind blown and all I wanted to know was, "How to b u, po?"

I started working for him when I was 19. I never stopped. In the decade that I knew him, I was always his "intern." I would follow after him, researching updates to the tour, reading the books that bored him – doing, basically, whatever he asked of me.

As I graduated and started my own career as a writer and historian, I could never say no to him. I would show up for ridiculous requests. Once, when he found a plastic bag full of kittens, he called me. I spent the night trying to keep them alive and cried with him when we failed to save them. I went with him to events and brought my college friends to his off-Broadway play when I was living in the States.

Every time I came back to Manila, I was at his house, or prowling with him around Malate looking for hidden treasures. He would point out art deco gems in the slums of Binondo or the bones of the graceful old mansions of Malate that were abandoned after the war and turned into sad karaoke bars with 40-peso beers. I went to events and plays and parties with him. He knew the who's who of Manila society and the names of all the tricycle drivers in Intramuros. 

I think a lot of us who knew Carlos felt that, in a way, we had to share him with his audience. I think all passionate people are like that. To a certain degree they don't belong to the people they love, because they belong to their cause. And Carlos' betrayed him. (READ: Carlos Celdran: Activist, performance artist)

I watched it betray him again and again. When DMCI was allowed to make its monstrosity. When the Church got pikon (thin-skinned) and then "forgave" him when the tide of popular opinion turned, but didn't stick up for him in the face of the Duterte regime. I was there to defend him when people would say he was doing things for publicity. They never saw how he worked for Manila, and he didn't care to show them – to him, doing the thing was more important than seeming to do the thing.

Just tell them, Carlos, we would say. Just show them what it takes to do this. And he would say no, because he was not supposed to be the story. Manila was. Or The Biennale was the story. Or the message was the story. And a society used to headline grabbers and politicians labeled it disingenuous, called him "abrasive," and disagreed with his methods. 

He was frustrating because he kept giving. Even when he was at his lowest, when he was reaching into his pockets for coins to buy dinner, he was pooling money together to help street children keep a slide, working out loan programs for kalesa drivers, and trying to figure out his next project to bring people to Intramuros. His vision of Manila was a special place that no one else could see but him. And in the interest of that dream, he kept taking the punishment and popping right back up, bruised and worn, but ready for the next battle. He gave his all every time and never held anything back for himself, because he was not the story. 

The secret of Carlos is that there wasn't really a secret. He was really that passionate; he did really think about Manila that way. He did really turn David Beckham's people away because they asked him for a discount and he felt that they were discounting Manila. He did really care that much, about everything. And that did make him a drama queen and a stubborn motherf*cker. He did do all the things he seemed to. He rubbed people the wrong way because he showed them the struggle of being a visionary in a place that has become too cynical for dreamers. It's not a pleasant story, or a good one. It's messy and hard and gritty – and he refused to smile and pretend that it was easy. He was so frustrating because he left behind this legacy that is too pure and too beautiful to ignore, and now I am left asking the same question I was asking at 19: How do I be you, Carlos? How do I continue your work when I don't have your spirit or strength?

I guess I spend my life figuring out the answer. – Rappler.com

Sabrina Schnabel hosts a podcast on Philippine history called "What AP: Araling Panlipunan Rebooted." She is a comedian, a historian, and a proud member of the Slytherin House.

To honor Carlos Celdran's legacy and celebrate his life, the Intramuros Administration, organization VivaManila, and creative hub Puesto Manila are holding one last Walk this Way tour on October 19. 

“Parang lahat ng inyong budget puro research? Baliw na baliw kayo sa research. Aanhin 'nyo ba 'yung research (It seems that all your budget is put into research? You're crazy about research. What will research do for you)?"

These words were from Senator Cynthia Villar – Senate committee chair on agriculture and food, agrarian reform, and environment and natural resources, as well as your top senator in the May 2019 elections – during the budget hearing of the Department of Agriculture. (READ: The rise of Cynthia Villar: How politics, money, networks made her No. 1)

Let me just air my disappointment as a researcher and as a son of a farmer. Hearing this statement is so painful. This remark from a public servant who proclaimed herself as intelligent will affect not just those within the Department of Agriculture, but all researchers out there who, at this moment, are pouring their heart and soul into their studies. 

“Ako, matalino akong tao pero hindi ko maintindihan 'yung research 'nyo, lalo na 'yung farmer. Gusto ba ng farmer 'yung research? Hindi ba gusto nila tulungan 'nyo sila? Bakit ba lahat ng budget 'nyo research (I myself am an intelligent person, but I don't understand your research, what more a farmer. Do farmers want this research? Don't they want you to help them? Why does your budget go to research)?"

Research delivers outputs. Research delivers products. Research, the paper and the process, is not directly being handed from the laboratory or the office out to the fields. It is interpreted, then products may materialize from that research.

“Kung ako farmer, mas gusto ko nang bigyan ako ng seeds, bigyan ako ng machineries kaysa 'yung mga kung anu-ano (If I were a farmer, I would rather be given seeds and machinery than what-have-you)."

If Senator Villar cannot see the importance of well-funded research, then I guess she should first know the basics of science, technology, development, and advancement. It is not only about providing seeds and machinery to farmers; it is about developing better technology, giving them better seeds and modern machinery. That is the aim of research. And developing something better for the country and the people is not easy, nor cheap. I hope the senator knows that, being intelligent (or so she says). 

The farming industry has already benefited from research in the past years: new breeds of palay and other crops, new equipment, new methods. In general, research is about creating something new, something better. This involves time and effort and investment and dedication. Those are at the core of research, and mind you, Ma’am, they do not come cheap. (READ: [ANALYSIS] Plummeting rice prices: How will our rice farmers cope?)

The farmers are angry not because of research. They are actually voicing out their frustrations about you, Madam Senator, and your selfish ways. From authoring the Rice Tarrification Law, whose effects now impair the lives of fellow Filipinos reliant on farming, to cutting the budget of an institution that focuses on upgrading the products and tools for the agriculture industry, you are just showing your true colors. You really do not care about the welfare of farmers and all those who rely on agriculture. Your conflict of interest radiates so much that you have forgotten your role as a public servant. You are serving yourself and you will always serve yourself. (READ: Cynthia Villar slammed over business interests anew)

How I wish that in the future, the Senate may have a more strict way of selecting chairpersons for committees. Put someone in the agricultural committee who does not forget that their service is for the country and the people, someone who is truly an advocate and champion of agriculture, and most importantly, someone who is not in the business of real estate. – Rappler.com

Raymark Paul Trojillo Rigor, 22, is from Tarlac and finished his Bachelor's Degree in Biology at the Central Luzon State University in Nueva Ecija.

Paul is a youth leader, advocating for the attainment of Sustainable Development Goals, environmental and wildlife conservation, youth empowerment, and community building.

I’ve never been more excited about the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics. 

On October 14 it was awarded to 3 amazing economists – Abhijit Banerjee, Esther Duflo, and Michael Kremer (henceforth Laureates) – for their pioneering work in the use of experimental methods in development economics.

So far in my own career, I’ve worked the most in the field of development economics, which hinges on a fundamental question: Why are some countries poor and others rich? 

The Laureates expanded the toolkit of development economists by borrowing an experimental method in medicine called randomized controlled trial or RCT and mainstreaming it in the study of poverty alleviation. 

In this piece let’s talk about what RCTs are all about, how effective they are, how they’ve been used in the Philippines, and why Filipino policymakers ought to support such studies.

The method

RCTs are nothing new. They’ve long been used in clinical studies on the effectiveness of medical treatments such as drugs.

In these studies, a new drug is tested on people who are randomly assigned to two groups: a “control” group (who consumes a placebo) and a “treatment” group (who consumes the drug).

As long as these groups are statistically identical, any difference in the two groups’ health outcomes must be the effect of the new drug.

The Laureates mainstreamed RCTs in development economics. People, too, are assigned at random to control and treatment groups, but economic interventions can range from cash transfers, the use of bed nets (kulambo), or even deworming. (READ: Poverty reduction: What works, what doesn’t)

As you can imagine, applying such experiments across communities – vis-à-vis a lab – can be daunting. Critics are also quick to point out the issue of “external validity”: cash transfers, bed nets, or deworming might work in a small Indian town but not necessarily in a Philippine town. 

Nonetheless, the Laureates have demonstrated that RCTs can be used widely to assess many types of development programs.

The Laureates also showed us that RCTs are the closest we have to a scientific, evidence-based approach in assessing anti-poverty programs. This is in stark contrast to previous policies by governments and NGOs which were characterized by iffy correlations, excessive hand-waving, or sheer guesswork.

Across areas

RCTs have been applied to a multitude of areas in development economics, from education, health, credit, and even gender and politics.

In education, for example, the Laureates sought to investigate how textbooks, flip charts, computer-assisted learning, deworming, and school meals could improve children’s attendance in class and performance in tests. They also investigated the impact of bonuses as a way to minimize teachers’ absenteeism.

In health, the Laureates explored how bed nets treated with insecticides could prevent the spread of malaria, how safer water supply containers could abate the incidence of diarrhea, and how mobile vaccination clinics could encourage parents to immunize their children.

Other experiments have looked at the use of small, time-bound discounts in farmers’ purchase of fertilizers, the impact of reserving seats for women in village councils, and the effects of microcredit access on households’ incomes and women’s empowerment.

A lot of these studies were described in Banerjee and Duflo’s 2011 book titled Poor Economics: A Radical Rethinking of the Way to Fight Global Poverty. See Duflo’s TED Talk on economic RCTs as well.

Across all these studies, impact is often intricately tied to the context in which an intervention is being applied. But over the years, some policies and programs turned out to be more effective than others.

In education, for example, a 2015 meta-analysis found that, “interventions that focus on improved pedagogy…are particularly effective, and so are interventions that improve school governance and teacher accountability.”

More than the effectiveness of any one intervention, RCTs have proven a valuable way to winnow bad anti-poverty programs from good.

Most importantly, the Laureates have shown us that even the simplest and cheapest programs can work wonders to improve the lives of the poor.

RCTs in the Philippines

A lot of RCTs have in fact been conducted in the Philippines.

The Philippine government’s flagship anti-poverty program, called Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), is a conditional cash transfer program that has been the favorite of many RCTs.

Last April President Rodrigo Duterte signed the 4Ps Act, which institutionalizes the program and provides for annual funds. Unfortunately, 4Ps’ first wave of impact evaluation was conducted with a flawed RCT study. Future waves of evaluation had to resort to other empirical techniques.

Other RCTs in the Philippines have been more successful.

For instance, a commitment savings device helped households to save more in Caraga back in 2000 to 2003. A month-long reading marathon in Tarlac improved the reading scores of Grade 4 students. And telling voters in Sorsogon they can accept money from politicians (but ought to vote with their conscience) only worsened vote-buying.

One of the more recent RCTs sought to uncover the impact of religiosity on poor Filipino households’ incomes and life satisfaction. 

'Baliw na baliw sa research'

In the Philippines today, evidence-based policy-making is under serious threat.

Anti-vaxxers in government are arguably responsible for back-to-back epidemics of measles, dengue, and polio.

Senators express open disdain for pure research. Senator Cynthia Villar recently lambasted  the Department of Agriculture’s budget request for corn research, saying, “Baliw na baliw kayo sa research” (You’re so crazy about research). 

Duterte himself cares little for research-based policies. His war on drugs continues despite overwhelming evidence of its glaring failures abroad. (READ: War on drugs? Other countries focus on demand, not supply)

But this year’s Nobel Prize in Economics is a testament to the power of research, scientific thinking, and empirical evidence in the crafting and implementation of economic policies and programs.

Is it too much to ask for leaders and policymakers to embrace rather than reject evidence-based policy-making? – Rappler.com

The author is a PhD candidate at the UP School of Economics. His views are independent of the views of his affiliations. Follow JC on Twitter (@jcpunongbayan) and Usapang Econ (usapangecon.com).

When you imagine a meeting of world leaders – after the obligatory handshakes and press photos, small talk, and niceties – you may imagine an expertly composed agenda of talking points based on the goals of the meeting, painstakingly researched and compiled by a team of aides, preparing the leaders for any eventuality the conversation might take.

Now imagine a future where that agenda and those talking points were not created by humans, but generated by a computer, which had gathered not only all of the opposing leader’s publicly available information, but the data of all of his or her previous policy decisions, conversations with other leaders, and even body language during those conversations. Effectively, we’re dealing with an artificial intelligence aide that, instead of trying to predict what the other party might say, can now predict with a high degree of certainty what the other party will say.

This is a future painted in the article “Algorithmic Foreign Policy,” published in the Scientific American, exploring how artificial intelligence (AI) algorithms are being used to provide foreign policy suggestions to the Chinese government. Armed with vast amounts of data from the increasingly digitized world, these algorithms could one day be so advanced that they could accurately predict major geopolitical events, or predict the actions of policymakers. There is evidence that China is actively pursuing some of these technologies, yet it is worrying that there is no evidence of governments from the rest of the world following suit.  

While current lawmakers outside of China may scoff at the idea of computers making policy decisions, this will not be a surprise to the programmers and scientists currently working on advanced machine learning algorithms. The problem is, the vast majority of these programmers aren’t working for the government; they’re working for large tech companies like Google, Facebook, and Amazon. You’ve probably already encountered advanced AI algorithms from these companies, like when Amazon seems to know precisely what you want to buy when you land on their website. Facebook even inadvertently spurred a widely-believed conspiracy theory that they tap into users’ smartphone mics to monitor private conversations – all because their algorithms can serve targeted advertisements with frightening accuracy. 

The divide between government and tech is, at least in the US, best encapsulated by Mark Zuckerberg’s testimony before congress about the Cambridge Analytica scandal that was uncovered in 2018. During his testimony, it seemed many of the senators in attendance, whose average age was 62 years old, were asking questions to understand what Facebook was and how its advertising algorithms worked, rather than what decisions led to the leaking of 87 million users’ private data to a third-party company. It’s clear then that these lawmakers would have trouble understanding how it is even possible that an algorithm can make accurate policy predictions based on the facial expressions of the policymaker. (READ: EXCLUSIVE: Interview with Cambridge Analytica whistle-blower Christopher Wylie) 

Some might say that this technology could never replace the human nuance in political discourse, negotiation, or understanding of human emotions and intent. But at the end of the day, as any big tech company knows, data rules overall. One of the common pitfalls in understanding the buzzword “big data” is to assume that it just means a large volume of data – take, for example, your Netflix viewing history. It’s safe to assume that a human could make good content suggestions for you after reviewing this set of data.

But what defines big data and its inability to be reviewed by humans, is the depth of those large volumes of data. Netflix’s algorithms aren’t just based on your viewing history; they are capturing the time, location, and device with which you watched the content, the number of times you paused, rewound, or fast-forwarded, what you searched for to find the content, and countless other metrics that no one outside of a Netflix data scientist could tell you about. Faced with this vast amount of data across millions of users, you start to see the role algorithms play in crunching this data, and the reason why companies like Netflix can serve predictions with sometimes unnerving precision. (READ: Cambridge Analytica's parent firm claims it won 2010 election for PH president)

Imagine, now, the amount of data that can be gleaned from a single policymaker – not just the history of his or her policy decisions, but parties involved, reactions, facial expressions, choice of words, time, location, affiliations – and the algorithmic predictions begin to seem feasible.  

We know that the Chinese government is already developing machine learning algorithms for foreign policy. The greatest bottleneck to other countries applying this technology to foreign policy is the policymakers’ inability to adopt these new technologies because they simply don’t understand how these algorithms work. To understand the potential of algorithms, you must first experience them firsthand.

So, politicians of the world, if you’re still skeptical about AI-powered foreign policy, just take a look at how the tech products you use every day are predicting your next move – but instead of anticipating your likelihood of enjoying a movie, the algorithms are calculating the likelihood that a policy decision you make will have a successful outcome.– Rappler.com

Alessandra Laurel Lopez is a second-year graduate student at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, studying International Security Policy. She previously worked for UNICEF’s Public Partnerships Division in New York, and served as a graduate consultant for the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency. She is passionate about the intersection of tech and public policy. 

Girls aspire for leadership roles, but what they mostly see in films and ads is that women in leadership positions are not treated as well as men and are most likely to experience sexual harassment. These stereotypes dampen their leadership ambitions.

“The inequality, intolerance, and isolation female leaders experience is a major deterrent to a girl’s leadership aspirations. Whether they are from urban or rural backgrounds, girls think that being a female leader means discrimination and harassment,” said DM Barcelon, gender specialist at Plan International.

Those were the findings of “Rewrite Her Story: The State of the World’s Girls,” a research released by the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media and Plan International. 

The research evaluated how film and media stereotypes affect the lives and leadership aspirations of girls and young women by looking at how 56 blockbuster films in 20 countries portrayed leadership and interviewing 10,000 girls about their perception of female leadership. 

According to the research, when it came to characters in leadership positions, women and girls were 4 times more likely than men to be wearing revealing clothing or shown completely naked. Women were also more likely to be sexually objectified. Male characters were portrayed as more competent in their leadership roles and more respected. 

The study also looked behind the screen and saw that of the 56 films that were studied:

• None of the films were directed by a woman. 
• Only 1 in 4 of the films had at least one female producer.
• Only 1 in 10 of the films had at least one woman on the writing team.
• 47% of all the characters, across all regions, were white.

Advertisements were also assessed, and they showed that women’s bodies were used to sell products, and the dominant message implied that a woman’s place is inside the home and that women are mostly expected to be pretty. 

In both, films and advertisements, male leaders are the norm. Women are sexualized in a way that men never are through their clothing and through slow motion camera movements that emphasize a woman’s body. Overall, there is very minimal representation of women and even less when it comes to presenting women coming from diverse racial ethnicities.

To be it, they must see it

It is essential for women and young girls to see what they aspire to be in film, in advertisements, and in books. When they think of women as leaders, they need role models they can look up to. “We need to normalize female leadership,” said Plan International’s Barcelon. 

The research also suggests funding more female filmmakers and encouraging girls and women into key positions to create diversity to stop the sexualization of women in films. 

What can we do in the meantime to help girls rewrite her story? We can start reading.

The good news is that, in the arena of Filipino children’s books, there is a wealth of stories about the bravery and pioneering streak of Filipino women in history and even today. 

Plan International recommended a book called, Be a Girl Champion, a compilation of stories about 7 girls who encountered hardships in their lives, overcame them, and came out stronger and wiser. The book was written and illustrated by Chloe Seraspe Reynaldo, who, at 16, became the youngest and first Filipina chosen by the Texas Christian University for the 2016 Global Innovator Awards.

Alexine Perreno, who owns Pumple Pie books, an online book distributor that hosts a wide collection of children’s titles, shared her recommendations of books that show girls and young women the role models they want and need to see more of.

The Women of Science debunks the myth that girls can’t be good in math and science through the stories of world-renowned Filipina scientists.

This powerhouse of a book bundle captures the stories of Filipina women who are pioneers in science, technology, engineering, agriculture, and mathematics in illustrated storybook form. All of the women featured in the storybook are internationally-recognized experts who have published scientifiic articles, have served a research leadership role at a national or international level, and, best of all, are working in the Philippines.

Some of the titles in this book haul include “The Gardener of the Sea” is the story of Nida Calumpong, a globally-recognized specialist in marine botany and coastal resource management. “The Staff of Life” tells the story of Giselle Concepcion, who works with local and international partners to discover new treatments for pain, cancer, and other illnesses by studying the country’s marine resources. “The Mangrove Warrior” is about Jurgenne Primavera, who served as mangrove adviser for the Zoological Society of London and was named one of the 2008 Heroes of the Environment by Time Magazine.

What Girls Can Do encourages girls to dream of what they want to be when they grow up.

If you like to wear dresses, for sure you’d look cute. 
You’d look just as good in pants or an astronaut suit.  

These are among the lines in this charming and empowering storybook that tells girls that they can be anything they want to be – they just have to dream it to be it.

Si Amina shows us the cultures and traditions of our indigenous people through the eyes of a young girl.

Amina is a young girl born to the Yakan tribe in Basilan. Her family relocated to Zamboanga City because of the war, leaving Amina yearning for the familiarity of home. To help her get over her homesickness, Amina’s mother teaches her how to weave as their ancestors did. At first Amina finds it difficult to find the inspiration to weave, but in the end she finds not only inspiration for her weaves but also a little bit of her own identity.

Sumakabilang Bahay shows the strength of single moms. 

Pao’s parents have separated. His father takes one car and leaves his mom and him with the red car. He watches as his mother takes on the roles and dutiess his father had previously taken on and realizes how strong his mom is and how their two-person family is still a family. 

Ang Lakambini at Ako is about the bravery and heroism of Filipino women in history.

Most of us know Gregoria de Jesus as the wife of Andres Bonifacio who begged for her husband’s life and was later allegedly raped by Emilio Aguinaldo’s men. This book shows another side of De Jesus, known as the Lakambini of the Katipunan.

“This is just awesome. It shows Gregoria de Jesus learning how to shoot guns so she could fight in the revolution,” said Parreno. “Andres was a lot older than her, so her parents wouldn’t let her marry him. So you know what she did? She wrote the gobernadorcillo and asked him to make it happen. She is the original kickass woman.” – Rappler.com

President Rodrigo Duterte likes to invoke the welfare of children whenever he justifies his brutal war on drugs.

In his 2017 State of the Nation Address, for instance, he told those who deal in drugs: “You harm the children in whose hands the future of this Republic is entrusted, and I will hound you to the very gates of hell.”

Yet there’s growing evidence that Duterte’s drug war itself is opening the gates of hell – at least insofar as it worsens the plight of women and children left behind by innocent victims of drug-related killings or DRKs.

A new study by a trio of researchers – Abbey Pangilinan, Ica Fernandez, and Tanya Quijano – sheds light on the plight of DRK victims’ families who are also beneficiaries of the government’s flagship anti-poverty program, called the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program or 4Ps.

They found that not only does the drug war induce victims’ children to drop out of school, the drug war also reduces victims’ families’ incomes and makes their lives more miserable. Worse, the government is not doing nearly enough to look after them.

By condemning these poor families deeper into poverty, the drug war effectively contradicts and negates the government’s key anti-poverty programs.

Anti-poor

We already know that Duterte’s drug war is profoundly anti-poor. (READ: Why the drug war thwarts our pursuit of inclusive growth)

Until recently, however, we had no idea how the drug war stands vis-à-vis the government’s anti-poverty programs.

The study by Pangilinan et al. helps to fill this gap.

First, the researchers meticulously built a database of 2,267 people in Metro Manila who were confirmed DRK victims. Then, they confirmed that at least 333 of the identifiable cases were 4Ps beneficiaries. See below a map of these cases.

Source: Pangilinan et al. [2019].

The assembled dataset is, needless to say, incomplete and the sampling imperfect. Nonetheless, the study – a mix of quantitative and qualitative data – is the first of its kind and provides us a valuable empirical glimpse into the socioeconomic fallout of Duterte’s drug war.

Economic hardships

The identified DRK victims who were also 4Ps beneficiaries were overwhelmingly male and between 30 and 44 – hence, breadwinners who typically earn “between 4,000 to 10,000 pesos per month, often from informal jobs in construction.”

The death of poor breadwinners represents a severe economic shock to their families.

A number of widows were reportedly at a loss how to pay for the burial of their murdered husbands. Worse, the widows later had “a hard time sustaining rent and food needs especially of their school-aged children. As such, the tendency is for the children to stop schooling.”

This is on top of the usual hardships of poverty, such as catastrophic expenses in the event of illnesses in the family or disasters like floods or fires.

Unfortunately, all interviewed widows were unaware of the benefits they’re entitled to under the Solo Parents’ Welfare Act of 2000.

Absent this and other formal coping mechanisms, a lot of the poor families were left to their own devices. Many moved out of their rented homes and lived with relatives. Some widows chose to “remarry as a means for survival,” leaving behind their children to the grandparents.

Grandparents, in turn, can hardly play the role of breadwinners. So many children left in their care, usually aged 5 to 18, have no choice but to help out and find work. Some teens who were both orphaned and abandoned reportedly entered prostitution.

A vicious cycle is at play here. 4Ps is a conditional cash transfer program: poor families receive money regularly for sending their children to school or to health clinics for regular check-ups.

But the necessity of work makes these children ineligible to receive 4Ps’ education-related transfers. Mothers and grandmothers busy providing for their families also miss out on Family Development Sessions and fail to receive 4Ps’ health-related transfers.

A lot of the families also felt isolated as neighbors and relatives distance themselves for fear of retribution, while children routinely get traumatized and bullied by their peers. Families also learned to distrust authorities, especially the police who they suspect to be involved in the killings themselves.

Negating 4Ps

With all these ill effects, the drug war is counteracting the government’s anti-poverty programs.

In April Duterte signed the 4Ps Act, which makes permanent the 4Ps program and mandates the provision of funds every year. But with a brutal drug war still firmly in place, this new law – no matter how well-meaning – only comes off as hypocritical.

For starters, the law aims to “achieve universal primary education.” But the children of DRK victims often fail to go to school because of the need to work to provide for their kin.

The law also aims to “[improve] delivery of basic services to the poor, particularly education, health, nutrition, and early childhood care and development.” But poor families are reluctant to avail of these services due to stigma, relocation, distrust in authorities, or a general climate of fear.

The law aims to “promote gender equality and empowerment of women and children’s rights.” But it is precisely women and children who face needless additional hardships because of the sudden death of their husbands and fathers due to DRKs.

Finally, the law aims to “break the intergenerational cycle of poverty.” But the drug war pushes many poor families ever deeper into poverty, rather than delivers them from it.

Focus on the laylayan

More than 3 years since Duterte took office, we’re only beginning to learn about the broader socioeconomic impacts of his drug war.

The study by Pangilinan et al. is a valiant effort in this regard. Obviously there’s much room for improvement in the way the data was collected, and future studies can address this.

Perhaps the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) itself – in cooperation with multilateral partners like the World Bank and Asian Development Bank – can expand the study using their unhindered access to the comprehensive database of poor households called Listahanan as well as the database of all 4Ps beneficiaries.

For the authors, the way forward is clear: “Further deaths need to be prevented, and support must be provided to those left behind.”

Apart from 4Ps, such support may come in the form of psychosocial interventions to help children cope with the loss of loved ones, livelihood programs for single parents and aging breadwinners, cash-for-work programs, or even unconditional cash transfers.

For as long as Duterte’s drug war continues, existing policies meant to alleviate poverty will only come off as futile, insincere, and hypocritical.

The Duterte administration has all too often prioritized the “common good,” even if it means neglecting, if not sacrificing, the welfare of the poor.

In the future, we need leaders who will once more seriously look after – and not just pay lip service to – the poor and the marginalized. In other words, our society’s laylayan. – Rappler.com

The author is a PhD candidate at the UP School of Economics. His views are independent of the views of his affiliations. Follow JC on Twitter (@jcpunongbayan) and Usapang Econ (usapangecon.com). Thanks to the authors for sharing their study and providing useful comments and suggestions to this piece. They are also part of the team behind Kolateral, a new rap album about Duterte’s war on drugs.

There's been a transportation emergency engulfing the Philippines for decades, and administrations of whatever political color haven't done much about it. No matter who in government denies this, just look at the long lines and stressed-out faces in the metro and you have your answer.

Spokesman's commute challenge: a mere one-way, one-day stunt

It was a stunt, nothing more. Presidential Spokesperson Salvador Panelo took several jeepneys and a motorcycle from New Manila to the presidential palace for only one day and one way. He left at 5:15 am and arrived at 8:46 am. That's a 3.5-hour ordeal.

The only reason he arrived at 8:46 am is because a motorcycle rider offered him a ride and media vehicles were following him. If he'd stood in line for the MRT or LRT, he would've arrived way past 9 am. Merely saying people should wake up earlier and commute earlier is not a solution – it's an out-of-touch statement. (READ: [ANALYSIS] What Duterte doesn't get about Metro Manila traffic)

What the rich do: multi-dwelling

Unless you commute by helicopter, Manila traffic knows no social classes. Walang pinipili (It affects everyone). The rich and the poor experience the same traffic congestion – but the richer you are, the more options you have.

What the rich do in the face of horrendous traffic conditions is a multi-dwelling approach. For example, their college kids are housed in condo units that are very near or walking distance to their schools. No, not the typically cramped school dorms like Kalayaan or the then-Narra Residence Hall at the University of the Philippines Diliman. Property developers have built very tall condo buildings near schools and universities because they know they have a captured market – rich or well-to-do parents whose kids (or themselves) cannot afford to be late.

What the rest do: the 'heroic' commute

Tiis na lang (Just put up with it). What else can the majority do? It's not like most can buy a car tomorrow, as those cost hundreds of thousands of pesos plus gas and maintenance. It's costly to use ride-hailing apps all the time. Taxi drivers still reject riders, and not everyone would want to hop on a motorcycle.

With ensnarling traffic, the rest wake up very early and hope for the best. But there's no work-life balance. In desperation, others even opt for unsafe, improvised transportation like trolley riding. As a London School of Economics professor said, "Their patience in the face of long commutes is nothing short of heroic."

'Heroic' commuters: OFWs in the making 

If you're a low-paid staffer or laborer who has to wake up at 4 am just to reach your workplace by 8 am by public transport, and who then has to fight it out with other commuters later in the day to get home by 9 pm, you'd be wondering if there's an alternative. 

Manila (and Cebu) traffic triggers low quality of life. As a parent working hard for the family, for instance, you won't see your kids as much whether you drive or commute. You're stuck in traffic, just talking to them on chat apps. You're not able to tutor your kids in the evenings because you're still on the road. Direct parenting is delegated to a grandparent, in-law, or nanny because you can't be at home in the early evening. That's low quality of life. (READ: Patients die as Manila traffic jams block ambulances)

"Heroic" commuters are prone to imagining moving abroad, where there is higher quality of life, and you can't blame them. Traffic is just getting worse, the population is expanding, and roads cannot be built fast enough. The government only plans, but has no will. You don't want to be exposed forever to blaring horns, drivers kicking and screaming, privileged officials with police escorts, kotong (extortionist) cops, etc.

OFWs and Manila traffic

When you go abroad, talk to Filipino OFWs about Manila traffic. It's a good icebreaker. The OFW will certainly have an opinion or would say how they are thankful they don't have to deal with it anymore.

If you're an OFW reading this, did your daily commute improve from how it was back in the Philippines? It likely would have. I drive 19 miles (30.5 kilometers) one-way daily to two elementary schools and then to work, with the only heavy traffic at the school drop-off points. We wake up early, but at just the right time. This one-way daily commute takes 50 minutes – such a far cry from my 2.5-hour daily ordeal from Quezon City to Makati City years ago. (READ: FAST FACTS: State of Metro Manila's public transport system)

The Philippines needs better trains, fewer cars, advanced infrastructure, smaller "walkable cities," less corruption, rural development, and more economic opportunities.

It's clear there is a crisis, and we have a very long way to go. – Rappler.com

Author Carlo Osi is a lawyer and writer based in Knoxville, Tennessee, and Metro Washington, DC. He is an adjunct professor of law at Georgetown University Law Center. He was educated by Georgetown Law, University of Pennsylvania Law School, Wharton School of Business, Kyushu University Law, and University of the Philippines Law.

Sa mundo ng nagmamadaling materyalismo at mas nagmamadaling nearly-4-hour-Marikina-to-Malacañang-commute challenge, magpapaka-existentialist muna ako. Minahal ka na ba? Nagmahal ka na ba nang lubos at taos, iyong baliw na baliw na pagmamahal na alam mong matalino ka pero hindi mo alam ang silbi ng research sa agrikultura? Hinde, joke lang. Basta, na-in love ka na ba at minahal in return? 

Ipinahayag mo na ba itong pagmamahal na ito sa Facebook? Ginamit mo ba ang “In a relationship with...” status? Kung oo, idurugtong ko: Nakipag-break ka na rin ba? Eh paano iyong sangkaterbang retratong magkasama kayo? Sino ang magbubura? Sino ang mag-a-adjust? Paano ang dating masasayang alaalang patuloy na isinasaksak sa iyo ng social media via “you have a memory with” reminders, lalo kung hindi mo pa ito ikino-customize? O tuluyan mo nang inabandona ang lumang social media account mo to start all over again?

Dalawa ang dahilan kung bakit ako napagawi sa paksang ito. Una, dahil sa ipinaalala sa akin ng Facebook na ang “most liked” na larawan na ini-upload ko noong 2011 ay ang larawan ng bagong silang kong anak na wala pa sigurong isang oras ang gulang. Nasa nursery ng ospital sa aming lalawigan. Kinuhanan ng picture ng nurse na kinasabwat ko noon. 

Dahil hindi pa malaganap noon ang data plan, nakisawsaw ako sa isang establisimyentong may libreng Wi-Fi. At doon, wala pang isang araw pagkapanganak sa mortal na mundo ng pinakamamahal kong bunso, iniluwal naman siya sa social media. Na dinagsa kaagad ng “Congrats!” at “Like.” Wala pa noong emojis at heart-heart. 

Matapos ang walong taon, siyempre, nai-share ko uli. Mabisang tagapagpaalala ang social media sa halos ay nalimutan ko nang hitsura ng aking infant na anak 8 years ago. Na-trigger ako ng larawan. Dumagsa ang alaala ng araw ng kaniyang kapanganakan. Kung paano kami sumugod sa ospital, naghintay, nagbantay, at, ayon sa asawa ko (hindi ko na masyadong maalala ito), nag-check daw ako ng exam. Siguro nga. Panahon iyon ng pagtatapos ng semestre sa unibersidad na pinagtuturuan ko. Huh, multi-tasking master. Habang nagle-labor ang asawa, in-between ng paghilab ng tiyan kung kailan kailangan ko siyang alalayan sa tabi, nagche-check naman daw ako ng papel.

Sabi ko sa caption ng ipinaalala ng Facebook na larawan, “Walong taon na palang anak ng social media ang anak ko.” Nasubaybayan, hindi lamang ng kaniyang magulang kung hindi ng malalapit na kamag-anak at kaibigan, ang paglaki niya. Partikular ang mga kamag-anak ko sa Obando at Valenzuela. May mangilan-ngilan sa Amerika at Australia. Hindi man nila nakakasama nang madalas sa mga reunion – magastos bumiyahe at ma-traffic at lubhang nakakapagod ang pagluwas-luwas – nasusubaybayan naman nila ang paglaki at pagtanda hindi lamang ng aking mga anak kung hindi ng aming buhay na rin mismo. 

As early as 1990s, napulsuhan na ng visionary na si Manuel Castells sa kaniyang aklat na Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture (1998) na ang ibubunsod na teknolohiya ay magtutulak sa atin papasok sa “new era, enabled by electronic technologies, in which space is a space of flows and time is timeless.” Wala na rin daw heograpikal na espasyo, ang mayroon na lang ay ang “concept of space that is (defined) not by relations of geographical contiguity but by the exchanges between the different places in which actors are found.” Wow, profound.  

Hindi naman talaga nawawala ang pangmarka sa lugar at oras. Minus the mainit na yakap, makapag-uusap naman kayo ng mahal mo kahit pa ikaw ay nasa mall sa Cubao ngayon at siya ay nasa barko, naglalakbay sa pagitan ng Nauru at Kiribati, na ang petsa ay kahapon. 

Sa akin, 8 taon pa rin naman ang lumipas simula noong 2011. Ang sinasabi ni Castells, sumasambulat ang impormasyon ngayon na halos ay wala nang kinikilalang oras maliban sa time stamp ng social media at detalye kung kailan kinuhanan, say, ang video o larawan. At ang impormasyong ito ay ang ating alaala. At bihira na ang walang alaala lalo’t may malaking kakayahan na tayong umalala sa tulong ng mga device natin at ang mismong kalawakan ng internet na naging repositoryo ng ating collective memory.

Hindi na natin kailangang tumingala sa mabituing kalawakan kapag gabi, beer in hand, nakaupo sa damuhan, umaagos ang masaganang luha sa pisngi para sariwain ang isang partikular na pangyayari, noong ikinasal ka, halimbawa, some 10 years ago. Noong hindi pa uso ang same-day edit and showing ng wedding video sa reception at pagpapabaha sa news feed ng rehearsed prenup photos. 

Ngayon, kung may larawan o status o video ka ng nakaraan, balikan mo lang. Browse browse sa social media o pumunta ka sa gallery ng iyong smartphone kahit saan ka man naroon. Kung nai-save na sa external hard disk, isaksak uli. Panoorin. Hindi na kailangang tumingala sa bituin.

Kaya nga, hindi ko ma-imagine ngayon kung paano lumaya sa nakaraan. Kung paano tuluyang lumimot kung marami kayong mutual friends sa Facebook. Lalo kung ang nakaraang gusto mong ibaon sa digital Hades ay isang terrabyte ang kabuuang sukat ng mga larawan, kanta, laro, video na pinagsaluhan. Sana nga, nasa iisang hard disk lang. Para puwedeng i-reformat na lang. Pero hindi. 

Which leads me sa ikalawang dahilan kung bakit ako napagawi sa paksang ito. 

Kabaligtaran kasi ang sa akin. Kung sa iba maraming digital na alaala, ako, bago ikasal, kaunti o halos wala. Walang masyadong de-film na litrato. Nabaha pa sa Valenzuela ang iilan na nga. Lalong walang video.  

Hirap na nga akong alalahanin ang mismong sandali nang ikasal kami ng asawa ko, isang Pebrero, some decade and a half years ago sa isang bayan sa Quezon. Wala kaming masyadong picture noong magkasintahan pa lang kami. At nang ikasal sa probinsiya, to offset ang kawalan ng larawan, kumuha ako ng serbisyo ng photographer. Nakalagay ngayon ang mga pre-manicured photo era na larawan sa isang album na mga isang tonelada ang timbang. Ang mas malupit, dahil kulang sa budget, wala akong kinuhang magvi-video.  

Hindi pa uso ang multi-gigabyte na smartphone noon. VGA camera pa lang ang meron, if at all. Iyong camera na ang kuha ng retrato sa cellphone ay malabo, parang may mantekilyang nakapahid sa lens ng camera. Buhay ka pa pero mukha ka nang kaluluwa o aparisyon.  

Walang nakapag-video ng kasal ko kahit pa mula sa mga kaibigan ko. Hanggang ngayon, pinagsisihan ko kung bakit hindi ako nangutang noon para lang maipambayad sa video coverage. Hanggang ngayon, pilit kong binubungkal na lamang sa papahina nang papahinang memorya ang nangyari sa aming kasal. Kung paano, halimbawa, sumagot agad ng “Opo, Padre...” ang asawa ko kahit hindi pa tapos magtanong ang pari kung mamahalin ako sa hirap at ginhawa.  

“Huwag kang magmadali,” biro ng pari. <Natatawa na ako ngayon habang isinusulat ito, yari ako sa asawa ko kapag nabasa ito.> Nakakatanggap pa rin ako ng malambing na kurot sa tagiliran kapag ipinapaalala ko sa asawa ko ang sandaling iyon. Atat na atat, 'ka ko, kasi siyang matapos na ang kasal at maselyuhan na ako <kurot na naman>.  

Bueno, paano na nga kung may mga makasintahang naghiwalay? Paano ire-reformat ang alaala? Minsan, naiisip ko. Mabuti na lang nabuhay ako sa panahong itong naranasan ang lumiham gamit ang papel at ballpen, natutong mag-text, at ngayon, video call sa messenger. Mabuti na lang, may naipon din kaming alaalang hindi kailangan ng data at baterya para balikan.  

Ibang usapan naman kung paano lumimot. Lalo’t hindi lamang dapat maghiwalay sa relasyon kung hindi sa maraming hashtag at pinagsaluhang status. – Rappler.com 

Bukod sa pagtuturo ng creative writing, pop culture, research, at seminar in new media sa Departamento ng Literatura at sa Graduate School ng Unibersidad ng Santo Tomas, research fellow din si Joselito D. delos Reyes, PhD, sa UST Research Center for Culture, Arts and Humanities. Siya ang coordinator ng AB Creative Writing Program ng Unibersidad ng Santo Tomas. 

As I write this, I just finished another day of school and decided to try your family’s Coffee Project café for the first time. All I thought as I entered the place was, “This one’s gonna give Starbucks a run for its money.” The wooden walls, faux flowers, and incandescent lights give off the ambiance of a countryside café, far from the hustle and bustle of the city. 

But as I settled down with my Café Americano, I suddenly remembered your remarks against corn research. “Parang lahat ng inyong budget puro research? Baliw na baliw kayo sa research. Aanhin niyo ba yung research?” you said. (Why does it seem like your whole budget went to research? You're going gaga over research. What will you do with this research?) 

Sen. Cynthia Villar, the rich grand dame of the Senate, we need to talk.  

Agricultural research is essential to support a growing young population. With more yuppies entering the workforce, we need to provide affordable and nutritious food to fuel our economic growth (which I am very sure your family’s empire is poised to benefit from). With such a small country, how do we come up with ways to supply more food? Arguably, you do not want to import more as it will widen our already distressing trade deficit and weakening peso. (READ: [OPINION] With rice tariffication, what happens with food security?)

Research on agriculture allows our scientists to create plant variants that are pest- and flood-resistant. The onslaught of pests like talakitok and dangaw cost our already impoverished farmers billions of pesos every year. And did I already mention the more than 20 typhoons that inundate our farms annually? 

Innovations brought about by research prepare our country for the impacts of climate change. A recent United Nations report puts the Philippines as one of the countries that will be hit worst by the changing climate. Certainly, you do not want tons of food go to down the drain every time a storm hits or serve as fertilizer when they dry up. Our scientists are developing plant variants that require less water and land, plus resistant to the capricious weather and drenching rain. (READ: What you can do to help Filipino rice farmers)

Our farmers are already at the rock bottom of our country. The Philippine Statistics Authority rated their poverty incidence at 34.3% in 2015, which is the highest in the nation. And your Rice Tarrification Law does not help, either. Though the price of rice in our pamilihang bayan (community market) has stabilized, which I appreciate, this is achieved at the cost of our farmers’ livelihood. The price of palay (rice grains) is already pegged at P7 per kilo in some provinces. Where is the help you said is allotted for farmers out of tax revenues from rice imports? Is this another TRAIN Law-like problem where it took a long time before the unconditional cash transfer of P200 was distributed to the 4Ps beneficiaries? (READ: Butterfly effect: How rice tariffication bill affects everyone)

Your law is like adrenaline: it is helpful during emergencies (like the ballooning inflation in 2018) but pernicious in the long run. There is already a delay in the help that you promised farmers out of RA 11203; don’t make it worse by scorning our researchers, which will unequivocally discourage them from developing strong plant variants in the future. 

Regretfully, I find it very ironic, almost hypocritical, for you to utter these despicable words months after you posted a picture of yourself holding a bundle of palay during the campaign trail. 

"We need to invest in research and development [so] we can increase the productivity of agriculture and boost job creation in the industry through science and technology.” That was you in a rice conference back in 2013. What happened? 

Instead, we want you to keep a watchful eye on agricultural research. Make sure that nothing in the budget lands in the pockets of unscrupulous officials, and that only the most promising research receives funding. You are one of the country’s best entrepreneurs; a powerful woman behind the success of one of the richest men in the country. I am confident that you know the significance of research and early innovation in an industry’s success, as smart a woman as you claim to be.  

Certainly, you want to be seen as the vibrant matriarch of the Senate – glorious, graceful, and generous. Not a rapacious businesswoman who is out to starve our farmers until they are forced to sell their lands so you can build your grandiose subdivisions on them. 

As I try to finish my cup of coffee, a question dawned on me: Did the coffee in my cup come from farmers of another country, as ours are too hungry to till the land? – Rappler.com

Rob Julian M. Maghinang is a proud Iskolar ng Bayan from the Polytechnic University of the Philippines Manila. His opinions are his alone and does not represent any of the organizations he is affiliated with.

The first time I caught a glimpse of cherry blossoms, I was in Washington, DC. It was April, and the city was flooded by tourists from all over, aiming to have a nice new profile photo worthy of a humblebrag. I wanted a piece of the action, so I made my way to the Tidal Basin when the sakura was in full bloom, on the most perfect spring day. 

The cherry blossom or sakura trees were a diplomatic bequest from Mayor Yukio Ozaki of Tokyo, Japan, to the city of Washington, DC on March 27, 1912. He donated the trees “to enhance the growing friendship between the United States and Japan and also celebrate the continued close relationship between the two nations.” Since then, the District has been commemorating this gift with the annual National Cherry Blossom Festival held in the spring.  

I learned while researching for this piece that plans to plant cherry trees along the Potomac River had been proposed as early as 1885 by Eliza Ruhamah Scidmore after returning from a trip to Japan. Miss Scidmore is an American writer, photographer, and geographer who would go on to become the first female board member of the National Geographic Society. Her idea was rejected by every superintendent she met with every year for 24 years. Finally, in 1909, Miss Scidmore raised the funds to purchase the trees and donate them to the city and wrote then First Lady Helen Taft informing her of her plans. Mrs Taft, who had lived in Japan, took interest in her response:

The White House, Washington

April 7, 1909

Thank you very much for your suggestion about the cherry trees. I have taken the matter up and am promised the trees, but I thought perhaps it would be best to make an avenue of them, extending down to the turn in the road, as the other part is still too rough to do any planting. Of course, they could not reflect in the water, but the effect would be very lovely of the long avenue. Let me know what you think about this.

Sincerely yours,

Helen H. Taft

In 1912, a total of 3,020 cherry trees were donated by the City of Tokyo after the first donation in 1910 caused an infestation. From 1913-1920, workmen were still planting these trees.  

Today, the boon from tourist dollars and Instagram-worthy photos that began with one woman’s persistence and passion for the sakura continues to serve the economies of both the US and Japan. The cherry blossom has gone way beyond being a mere symbol of friendship.  

The cherry blossom is indeed attractive but it is quite challenging to grow, especially in tropical countries where it is summer all year round, with no winter, spring, or fall.  

The good news is, there are a lot of other pretty ones out there, bursting with bright colors. In the Philippines, we have various indigenous species that can rival the beauty of the sakura. My personal favorite is the Asian tropical tree Bombax ceiba or what we call malabulak in the vernacular. I am at awe every time I stare at its fiery red flowers, but I do not see much of them in the tiny open spaces of our packed urban jungle. In fact, I do not recall ever seeing my tree in a cluster of at least 5 or 10 other malabulaks. I experience it sporadically. 

Now, what if we plant our trees in clusters, or line a kilometer with just one species, a sunny yellow tree for instance, in the tradition of the cherry blossoms? Wouldn’t that look amazing? 

Think University Avenue in UP Diliman when the sunflowers are all abloom. 

Would travelers stop to take photos? Would motorists stuck in traffic feel some respite from the torture? Would Instagram feeds fill up with red flowers as selfie backdrops? I bet they will.  

Will cities make money because people are coming to achieve an arboreal milestone? Absolutely. 

Cities also have higher levels of carbon dioxide, which is warming the planet. Trees can absorb this CO2 during photosynthesis and convert it to oxygen.  

Will cities make more money because the air is cleaner and people are healthier? Indeed. 

Japan’s idea of gifting trees is genius, especially at the height of climate change worry. If there is a gift that everyone would like, it is surely the gift of life, so we need to give and plant more trees.

We just need to plant more of our country’s indigenous trees to make money for our cities because it will be costly if we have to import seedlings. 

Fortunately, there is now an impetus to do exactly that through legislation that mandates tree-planting as a pre-requisite for graduation. Graduating students from grade school, high school and college will have to plant at least 10 trees to secure a diploma. Indigenous species that are appropriate to the climate and topography of the country is preferred. The locations where these trees should be planted are also specified, and cities are included. I think local officials should seriously look at this urban planning initiative with an eye on environmental sustainability and its economic potential. 

If city governments are indifferent, groups of at least 20 volunteers can sign up with Hands on Manila to plant trees on the Legacy Trail of Masungi Georeserve in Baras, Rizal. Participants can adopt a section of the trail, plant several seedlings of your chosen species, learn to nurture trees and monitor these trees in the years to come.  

In less urban areas around the world, Madagascar and other parts of Africa are known for the baobab tree. California has its giant sequoias. The Great White North is mantled by evergreens as far as the eye can see. These trees grow in stable indigenous environments and are best enjoyed by a spectator in their vast numbers.

I hope we can see a little bit of that forest cover in the world’s cities as well, where possible.

Frankly, I do not think it is impossible anywhere, but I have vowed to respect the local context and the challenges that each country or city faces.    

I do believe that the tradition of planting thousands of trees of the same species in the city, made famous by a friendship, should be continued and replicated in every nation on earth, now more than ever. – Rappler.com

Mai Mislang is a non-profit consultant and musician. She writes on Medium and Thrive Global on productivity, social issues, travel, and music. 

Eksaktong 12 taon na ngayon ang nakaraan, nang yanigin ng malakas na pagsabog ang mataong mall na Glorietta-2 sa financial district ng Ayala sa Lungsod ng Makati, na agad na ibinintang ng pamunuan noon ng Philippine National Police (PNP) at Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) sa isang bomba na gawa ng mga terorista. Umabot sa 11 ang namatay at mahigit sa 100 ang mga sugatan.  

Bagaman nagdulot ng lungkot at dalamhati ang naturang pangyayari, tuwing dumaratal ang araw na ito, ‘di ko naman mapigil na mapangiti – kapag nagbabalik sa aking alaala ang naging pamamaraan ko bilang isang mamamahayag, upang maka-scoop ng video at mga larawan sa sinabugang lugar sa loob ng mall. 

Una rin ako sa nakasagap ng tunay na dahilan ng pagsabog, at lubhang naiiba ang anggulo nito kumpara sa narinig ko na ibinabalita sa radio habang nagmamaneho ako pauwi sa aming bahay sa Novaliches, Quezon City. 

Ayon sa mga report na halinhinang ibinabato sa ere ng mga reporter na nakabantay sa lugar ng oras na iyon, ay umabot na sa 8 ang kumpirmadong patay at mahigit 70 na ang sugatan, na karamihan ay mga mallers. 

Breaking news

Katanghaliang tapat noon ng Oktubre 19, 2007, araw na kung tawagin ng mga empleyado ay TGIF (Thank God It’s Friday!), pauwi pa lamang ako mula sa magdamag na pagdyu-duty bilang senior news editor ng GMA7 – nang ma-monitor ko sa radyo ang breaking news hinggil sa malakas na pagsabog sa loob ng mismo ng Glorietta-2.

Bulong ko pa nga sa aking sarili habang nakikinig sa balita: “Lagot ang duty desk. Siguradong maghapon hanggang gabi ang ngaragan sa loob ng newsroom dahil sa nagaganap sa Makati.” (READ: [OPINION] Would you date a journalist – a Rappler journalist?)

Tuloy ako sa pagmamaneho habang nakikinig sa radio. Nagulat na lamang ako nang huminto ang aking kotse, nasa may parking lot na pala ako ‘di kalayuan sa Rustan’s Supermarket, mga 50 metro naman ang layo mula sa Glorietta-2 sa Makati City – at hindi sa harapan ng aking bahay, sa Novaliches, Quezon City!

Walang duda na ang namayani na naman sa aking pagkatao ng mga oras na iyon ay ang dugong police reporter na nananalaytay sa aking mga ugat, na may ilang taon na rin marahil na “lumapot” dahil sa halos 5 taon na akong nakatali sa loob ng opisina – sa newsdesk ng GMA7 – at bihira nang makapasyal sa dati kong beat na mga police stations, kampo ng pulis at militar sa buong Metro Manila, at karatig na mga lugar.

Ilang metro lamang ang layo ko sa Glorietta-2 ngunit ‘di ko mabanaag ang lugar na noo’y balut na balot ng makapal na puting usok na dala ng alikabok mula sa lugar na pinagsabugan.

Off limits

Kapansin-pansin pa rito ay ang grupo ng mga taga-media na di makapasok sa “police yellow line” na nakapalibot sa buong Glorietta Shopping Complex. “Off limits” agad ang mga media sa loob, kaya nasa paligid lamang sila at naghihintay sa anumang impormasyon na ipapasa ng mga imbestigador na tanging nakapasok sa loob ng Glorietta-2.

Mula sa aking kinatatayuan ay natanaw at namukhaan ko ang ilan sa mga imbestigador – may pulis, militar, at mga banyaga – pawang mukhang mga isnabero, dahil hindi pinapansin ang mga reporter na kumakaway o pilit nakikipagsenyasan sa kanila. (READ: When journalists become the story)

Ang nasa isip ko ng mga oras na iyon ay ang payo sa akin ng LODI kong photographer na si Tata Willy Vicoy, na nasawi sa isang delikadong coverage sa isang lalawigan sa Hilagang Luzon, na naging gabay ko sa lahat ng coverage ko na bawal pumasok ang lahat ng taga-media: “Kapag ipinagbawal na ng mga awtoridad na makapasok ang taga media sa isang lugar kung saan may breaking story na nagaganap, gumawa ka ng paraan na maka-penetrate at siguradong naroon ang scoop!”

At iyon ang aking sinunod – kaya habang ang mga reporter ay kukuya-kuyakoy sa labas ng Glorietta-2, nakapasok ako sa loob at nakakuha ng mga “still photos” na unang-unang lumabas sa online news ng GMA7. Narinig ko rin ng “firsthand” mula sa mga banyagang imbestigador na nasa loob ng gusali kung ano ang posibleng dahilan ng pagsabog na agad kong itinawag sa isa sa aking mga “Boss” sa GMA7.

Bottled water

Mula sa aking kinatatayuan, ay tinawagan ko ang isa kong kaibigan na bomb expert na nasisiguro ko na kasama ng mga imbestigador sa loob ng mall. Hindi naman ako nagkamali, dahil nasa loob nga siya, kasama ng ilang operatiba na nag-iimbestiga kung ano ang sanhi ng pagsabog na yumanig sa buong lugar na iyon sa Makati City.

Tumimo sa aking isipan ang reklamo niya na uhaw na uhaw na sila dahil walang tubig na maiinom sa kanilang kinalalagyan. Kasama kasi sa nasira sa pagsabog ang malaking tubo ng tubig, na nagdulot ng baha sa buong basement, kung saan hinihinala na siyang pinanggalingan ng malakas na pagsabog. 

Sa pag-ikot ko sa buong lugar, napunta ako sa harapan ng isang convenience store at may biglang umilaw sa aking isipan na paraan kung paano makalulusot sa mahigpit na mga Ayala guards.

Bumili ako ng 20 bottled water at binitbit ko ang supot na kinalalagyan nito. Pagtapat ko sa lugar ng dalawang sikyo sa may tagiliran ng Glorietta-2, nagulat pa ang mga ito nang abutan ko ng tig-isang bottled water na nagpapawis sa lamig, sabay sabi na: “Sobrang uhaw na kami sa loob, mahirap ma-dehydrate habang nag-iimbestiga. Putol ang linya ng tubig, matatagalan yan bago makonekta!” 

'Yun lang, dire-diretso na ako sa loob at nang lingunin ko ang dalawang nabiglang sikyo – halos magkasabay nilang tinutungga ang malamig na bottled water!

Activity center

Magkakahiwalay ang mga grupo ng dinatnan kong rescuer at pulis na nag-iimbestiga sa loob ng Glorietta-2.  Ang pinakagitna, na kung tawagin ay “activity center” – butas pataas mula basement hanggang bubong, at animo dinaanan ng isang nag-take off na rocket.

'Di ako magkandatuto sa pagpitik sa aking ever-reliable point-and-shoot Canon IXUS 185, na itinago ko sa aking bulsa. Sa tantiya ko ay pumitik ako ng halos 50 saka ko tinawagan si Josh Villanueva, isang junior newsdesk editor namin sa GMA7 na nakita ko sa labas, bago pa man ako nakapasok sa loob ng Glorietta-2.

Pinakiusapan ko ang kaibigan kong imbestigador na iabot kay Josh ang memory card para ipasa niya agad sa opisina. Hindi kasi ako pwedeng lumitaw dahil kapag nakita ako ng taga-ibang media ay siguradong riot. Maraming aangal kung bakit ako ay nakapasok, at siguradong may mga magrereklamo pa – tiyak mapupurnada pa ang aking pinagpaguran!

Kasunod nito ay tinawagan ko si Ernie Sarmiento, chief photographer noon ng PDI, at ini-email ko sa kanya ang mga litratong naging exclusive banner photo nila sa print media kinabukasan. Nagmumura sa laki ang pagkaka-play up sa Page 1 ng Inquirer ang kuha kong litrato sa wasak na activity center ng Glorietta-2. Isa ang larawan kong ito sa 25 news photos na itinampok ng PDI sa kanilang coffee table book.

Lumabas din agad sa GMA 7 news online ang 37 na mga kuha kong litrato – 'yun lang, wala ako ni isang byline o tagline man lang sa mga ito – at aaminin ko, bilang isang “maniniyut” sobrang disappointed ako noon! 

Ngunit kapag naisip ko naman, na bilang isang senior newsdesk editor na lumabas at gumawa ng isang extraordinary feat o trabahong hindi ko na dapat gampanan, at nagawa ko naman para sa kumpaniyang nagtiwala sa aking kakayahan – lampas tenga agad ang ngiti ko!

'Poso negro'

Kinabukasan, labis akong nabigla sa naging anggulo ng lahat na yatang media dahil ang banner story o mga headline news ay nagsasabing “bombang kagaya o gawa ng mga terorista” ang sumabog sa basement ng Glorietta-2 sa Makati.

Sabagay, hindi na rin ako masyadong nagtaka noon dahil maging sa aming opisina, nang tawagan ko ang isa sa aming mga boss sa news department ay matamlay ang naging reaksyon niya sa impormasyong agad kong ibinato sa kanya. Tila hindi niya ito siniryoso: “Dyahe naman ‘yan, tatsi lang ang dahilan!”

Ang anggulong “bomba ng terorista” ay ibang-iba sa usap-usapan at pagbibiruan ng nakasama kong mga imbestigador na banyaga, pulis, at militar sa loob ng Glorietta-2, na ako lang ang pinalad na unang mamamahayag na nakapasok at nakakuha pa ng video at mga larawan.

Sa ganitong sitwasyon ay nakasanayan ko lang na makinig sa kuwentuhan, palitan ng kuru-kuro at pati biruan ng mga imbestigador, na hindi nagte-take down notes ng aking mga narinig. Kapag kasi nakita nilang nagsusulat ako, titigil sila sa pagkukuwento at biruan – purnada ang pasimpleng pangangalap ko ng impormasyon.

Ang lahat nang nasasagap kong impormasyon, totoo man o hindi, iniimbak ko muna sa aking kokote at kapag di ko na kayang isaulo, saglit akong lalayo – saka ko patagong isusulat na parang kodigo, bago muling babalik sa usapan!

Ilan lamang ito sa mga natatandaan kong nangyari: Nang bumaba sa basement ang isang Australian intel operative, na sa pagkaka-alam ko ay bomb expert din, ito ang pasigaw niyang sinabi: “My God, it smells like shit in there!”

Yung member ng Mossad, ang hinahangaan kong organisasyon ng magagaling na “intelligence agent” mula sa Israel ay ganito naman ang sinabi: “A powerful rocket fueled by shit just took off the place!”

Mayroon namang isang banyaga rin na hindi ko malaman kong anong nationality ang tumatakbo palabas ng basement kung saan naganap ang pagsabog, at agad nitong hinubad ang suot niyang polo shirt, kasabay ng pagsasabing: “I smell like shit!”

Sa puntong ito, nagsisimula nang gumana ang aking imahinasyon at nag-one plus one sa mga bagay na natutuhan ko noong ako ay isang engineering student sa mga subject namin na Physics at Chemistry. Kaya alam ko na ang sinasabi nilang mabahong amoy ay galing sa chemical na methane gas na “by product” ng mga nabubulok na bagay na gaya ng tatsi na nakaimbak sa “poso negro” o septic tank sa basement ng Glorietta-2.

Ang methane gas ay highly combustible, at ito ang laman ng ginagamit nating liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) sa kusina, at kapag napabayaan itong sumingaw ay sumasabog sa bahagyang kislap sa paligid nito.

Patuloy akong nagmumuni-muni nang lumabas ang kaibigan kong bomb expert na Pinoy na taga-US embassy at pabirong sinabi ang ganito: “May suspek na ako, siguradong pakana ito ni Malabanan!” Sa mga hindi kilala kung sino si Malabanan – ito ay isang kumpaniya na binabayaran upang linisin ang laman ng mga “poso negro” sa mga pribadong bahay at establisimento.

Sa dalawang anggulong ito na lumabas pagkaraan ng mahabang imbestigasyon – lumitaw na tatsi nga ang dahilan. 

Ang naipon na nabulok na tatsi sa loob ng higanteng “poso negro” sa basement ng Glorieta-2 ay nag-emit ng methane gas na nag-leak at pumuno sa buong basement ng mall. Na-ignite ito at sumabog nang malakas matapos mag-automatic ON ang motor ng water pump, na nasa ibabaw ng “poso negro." – Rappler.com

In less than two years, we will be celebrating the 5th centenary of the coming of Christianity to our country. The question that is being asked is why should we celebrate 500 years of Christianity in the Philippines? Even the President is asking this question.

How this question is to be understood and answered depends on who is asking.

A government leader can regard this as purely a celebration for the Catholic Church which does not concern the State. After all, there is a constitutional separation of the Church and State. Christianity is not the state religion and no public funds should be spent for this celebration. Strictly speaking, there is no obligation for the government to join in the celebration – except government officials who are Catholics, but they do so not in their official capacity. However, the State has to take into account that more than 81% of the population are Catholics. This must count for something. Everyone should remember that Christianity and the Church is an integral part of the history and culture of the Philippines. A government that ignores this celebration is ignorant of the country's history and the role of the Church and Christianity or Catholicism.  

Christians of other denominations as well as those belonging to other religions like Islam are not expected to celebrate this event. But in an age of ecumenical and interreligious dialogue, any gesture of solidarity will certainly be appreciated and can contribute to healing and reconciliation. Any big celebration such as the 5th centenary of the coming of Christianity to the Philippines is an occasion for remembering the past. To do so unavoidably reopens old wounds that may have been forgotten or glossed over. This is especially true because the missionaries accompanied the colonizers. Christianity and colonization came together. Those who remember only the dark side – the suffering and atrocities experienced by our ancestors – can rightly ask: What is there to celebrate?

A balanced assessment of the contribution of the Church and Christianity to the country as a whole is needed – this will include both the lights and shadows, the blessings as well as the mistakes and shortcomings. There are many blessings to be grateful for these last 500 years. It will take a longer article to discuss in detail the contribution of the Church and Christianity. Let me mention a few in this column.

The Christian faith was a gift which was handed to us by the Spanish missionaries. Contrary to the popularized image of the sword accompanying the cross, the early missionaries represented by Manila Bishop Domingo Salazar were the conscience of the colonizers following the prophetic example of Fray Bartolome de Las Casas and Francisco de Vittoria in the Americas. They denounced the abuses that were committed and questioned the subjugation of the natives. Compared to the harsh missionary practices in the Americas, the evangelization of the Philippines was more systematic and benign. The missionaries learned the language of the natives and adapted the Christian faith to their beliefs and practices. Devotions to the blessed Virgin Mary and the saints as well as the fiestas proliferated. Native lay people were involved in the missionary enterprises.  We should not forget that our Filipino saints – Lorenzo Ruiz and Pedro Calungsod – were lay people, not priests or religious.

The missionaries introduced new crops and agricultural methods. They supervised the building not only of churches, but towns (bajo de las campanas) as well as roads and bridges.

The archipelago with many islands and numerous regions and barangays gradually grew into a nation united by a common faith throughout 3 centuries of colonial rule and missionary evangelization. Their presence checked the spread of Islam (already established in large parts of Mindanao and Sulu as well as Manila) throughout the entire archipelago.

The fictional Padre Damaso in Noli Me Tángere does not represent the Church – there was also a Padre Florentino in El Filibusterismo. The nationalist movement emerged among priests like Gomez, Burgos, and Zamora, to whom Jose Rizal dedicated his novel. The Katipunan expanded with the support of the revolutionary clergy. The language of the revolutionary movement was influenced by the Pasyon, according to Reynaldo Ileto in his book Pasyon and Revolution.

The contribution of the Church to Philippine society during American rule was minimal. It had to rebuild following the return of foreign missionaries to Spain and the Aglipayan schism. After World War II, at the height of the Huk Rebellion, Church-inspired movements such as the Federation of Free Farmers and the National Federation of Sugar Workers emerged to address the roots of peasant unrest. Following Vatican II, political movements inspired by Christian teachings and led by religious and lay leaders emerged and became part of the protest movements prior to the declaration of Martial Law.

The major contribution of the Church in later decades happened during the Marcos dictatorial rule. The only institution left standing to challenge the regime was the Catholic Church with its prophetic clergy and religious. The Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines' pastoral letter condemned the fraudulent snap presidential election and the EDSA People Power event turned an operation against a failed coup attempt into a peaceful, non-violent ouster of the dictator. Religious and lay people faced tanks and troops armed only with rosaries, religious images, and flowers. The Church with its teaching of non-violence contributed to the restoration of democracy. It came at a time when many thought the choice was between a brutal dictatorship and the Communist Party of the Philippines.

Since then, the Church has exercised a prophetic role – speaking out against a culture of death, the armed conflict, the destruction of the environment, human rights violations, and extrajudicial killings that have claimed the lives of over 30,000 people, most of whom are poor. The Church continues to appeal for a stop to the killings and focus on the healing process. This has earned the ire of the powers that be. Bishops and priests as well as religious and lay people have been subject to death threats and charged with sedition. During this dark period, the Church continues to serve as conscience of society. (READ: [OPINION] Challenge to Catholics: Time for appeasing Duterte is over)

Thus, the Church and Christianity is an integral part of Philippine history and culture. It is for this reason that the 5th centenary celebration is not just a Church celebration, but deserves the recognition and appreciation of the State and the nation. Broadly speaking, it is not just an ecclesial celebration, but also a celebration of who we are as a people and nation. For better or for worse, without the arrival of Magellan and the Spanish missionaries to our shores, there would have been no Philippines. Probably, we would have continued being separate islands and isolated barangays or part of an expanded sultanate of Sulu or of Indonesia. So, let us count and give thanks for the blessings without forgetting the dark side of the past that continues to haunt the present. – Rappler.com

Father Amado Picardal is a Redemptorist priest, living a quiet life as a hermit and spending most of his time in solitude, prayer, and writing books and articles. He was formerly executive secretary of the Episcopal Committee on Basic Ecclesial Communities of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines.

Dreamworks recently released Abominable, which is a movie about a Chinese girl who meets a mythical yeti and travels with it to the Himalayas. A scene shows a map of Asia with the 9-dash line– China's highly controversial claim to virtually the entire West Philippine Sea. 

Activision Blizzard, the studio behind the highly acclaimed Call of Duty and World of Warcraft series, stripped an esports champion of his prize money after he voiced his support for the Hong Kong protesters during a post-match interview. They eventually loosened the sanctions.

The NBA, around a week ago, said it regrets that Chinese fans were upset after Houston Rockets general manager Daryl Morey tweeted his support for the protesters in Hong Kong.

China is the most populous country and the world's second biggest economy. Its resurgence from an impoverished nation to one of the richest in the past 3 decades is nothing short of a miracle. As it lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty, its government learned that it can use their purchasing power to twist the arm of anyone not falling in line with its vision of the world.

We saw this a few years back when China enforced a stricter standard against bananas from the Philippines after the West Philippine Sea issue started to simmer. It affected around 20,000 plantation workers. The NBA, similarly, is poised to lose millions of dollars' worth of revenue from the canceled deals, sponsorships, and broadcasts in China after the Morey fiasco. China's state-run CCTV led the pack in rejecting the NBA, and entertainment giant Tencent shortly followed suit.

To avoid a similar fate, companies all over the world try to appease Chinese authorities so they can continue tapping this lucrative market. 

Apple recently flip-flopped and pulled out – again – an app that tracks police movements in Hong Kong, obviously afraid of sanctions from Beijing in an already hypercompetitive consumer electronics market. 

Back at home, our very own flag carrier Philippine Airlines and budget carrier Cebu Pacific show Taipei, Taiwan, as part of China after Beijing ordered international airlines to show the island-nation as its territory in 2018 or risk losing access. (They can always say that Taiwan is officially called the Republic of China, but that would fool no one.)

Even governments' hands are not clean. To set up formal diplomatic and economic ties with China, each would have to agree to the One-China policy and renounce recognition of Taiwan as a sovereign nation. The Philippines recently accepted Chinese passports bearing the map of the West Philippine Sea as part of their territory, a clear about-face from its previous policy, no doubt to attract more mainland tourist money. 

Hollywood movie makers are known to incorporate Chinese artists and cultural icons to increase their chance of being allowed to be part of the approximately 40 foreign movies that can be shown in China every year. Movies that show the true nature of China's autocratic government are certain to be banned, which would cost a production house millions of dollars in the future.

This is the sad state of affairs that we see around the world today. When company executives relinquish patriotism and values, their country stands to lose. To turn a blind eye to the abuses of the Chinese government against its very own people and others to earn more money is greediness. Companies should uphold their love of democracy and liberalism over the love of money. When corporations become partners of democracy, they take part in promoting it to the people who need them the most. 

Luckily, we have seen some fighting back. Google decided not to release a special version of its search engine that complies with the Great Firewall of China, and so is Facebook. Comedy Central's South Park, in its 300th episode, has one character who did not mince his words: "Fuck the Chinese government." This came after the show had been banned by Beijing for speaking out against companies colluding with it.

Meanwhile, ordinary citizens can pressure companies to build a stronger backbone. By boycotting products from conniving corporations and speaking out on social media, corporations will surely think twice before coddling autocrats. Using existing employee organizations to send a unified message to executives is another. I do not buy stocks of companies that do not share my values. 

Democracy around the world is already under attack. Now more than ever, everyone needs to protect our hard-earned liberty to avoid sliding back to the days when most of us lived under a dictatorship powered by a backward and unsustainable economic system. China knows how to use money to cast dark magic and we should not allow any corporation – who lives off our money, by the way – to be their warlocks.

As South Park character Stan Marsh said, "Anyone who betrays their ideals just to make money in China isn't worth a lick of spit." – Rappler.com

Rob Julian M. Maghinang is a proud Iskolar ng Bayan from the Polytechnic University of the Philippines Manila. His opinions are his alone and does not represent any of the organizations he is affiliated with.

In most cases, cheering or cheerdance competitions involve complicated routines, with dancers tumbling, twisting, and forming human pyramids. But in the quiet little town of Miagao in Iloilo where you can find the University of the Philippines (UP) Visayas, annual cheering performances are done differently.

The students, in the grand tradition of activism in UP, call out social injustices through satirical spiels delivered in Hiligaynon, English, Filipino, and sometimes even bekimon (gay lingo).

In UP Visayas, cheering is protest.

The performance

This year, the cheering championship went to Skimmers, an academic organization composed of literature and communication and media studies majors under the humanities division. Their performance centered on the press and its battle against disinformation, exploitation, online harassment, and oppression.

Performers wore vests bearing the word "press" on the back, and reversed them mid-performance to reveal a bloodstained inner vest with the word "oppressed." (WATCH: U.P. Visayas students voice out national issues in cheering competition)

Toward the end of their routine, they chanted in Hiligaynon, "Maano kamo kung mahipos kami (What will you do if we become silent)?"

A clip of their performance which included quips on President Rodrigo Duterte's ties with China went viral on Twitter, as pro-Duterte groups used it to red-tag Skimmers, publicly posting the members' identities and subjecting them to attacks and harassment.

The UP community was quick to defend their own, with #HandsOffSkimmers and #HandsOffUPV shooting up the local trending topics on Twitter.

Skimmers and UP Visayas went from being jubilant victors to relentless fighters, safeguarding their right to hold the Duterte administration to account for its atrocities, and emphasizing the power of art as protest. (READ: From Twitter to theater: When artists get political)

Conviction, creativity

Students ditched pom-poms for a fake microphone, but their voice was as real as their demonstration. (READ: [OPINION] Protests remind us that we can do better)

It was the conviction and creativity of the kids that prompted Duterte supporters and trolls to try to silence them with intimidation. Remarks undermining the youth filled the comments sections, telling them to go back to school and be grateful for state subsidy, enjoining them to be indebted to taxpayers as if morality and nationalism are rooted in blind subservience to government, as if state-subsidized education should be a matter of privilege and not a right.

What these Duterte supporters and trolls fail to acknowledge is how they enjoy the fruits of youth protests. This country's heroes were students once fed up with Spanish oppression. The youth movements formed part of the revolution that toppled the Marcos regime. And it is the youth of Hong Kong who are leading the fight against China. (READ: 'Kapag may isa, maraming sumusunod': Leading a Philippine youth climate strike)

What the trolls also fail to comprehend is that they are now attacking these students for the same thing their beloved President is doing – pronouncing death. The only difference is that Skimmers' pronouncement was satire and will not lead to an actual death, while Duterte's policies have killed and will continue to kill thousands.

Skimmers' experience mirrors the everyday life of media practitioners in this country and in other parts of the world who risk their personal welfare and that of those closest to them, as they serve the public and report the truth. (READ: From Marcos to Duterte: How media was attacked, threatened)

Fight the fight

Eleven organizations participated in the cheering competition. These organizations are now planning to post their videos over the next few days. If Skimmers is Exhibit A, then there are 10 more organizations and hundreds more students who could be attacked. But they will press ahead and they will fight.

The harassment will not intimidate the students of UP Visayas. It will only give them more reason to take center stage again next year and keep fighting the fight. – Rappler.com

Adrian Jimenea graduated from UP Visayas in 2017. He is a former MovePH intern.

Paminsan-minsan, nagsasabwatan ang mga tala at nabibiyayaan tayo ng konting kaligayahan tulad ng tagumpay ng tatlong gold medalists sa pandaigdigang entablado: si Carlos Yulo sa gymnastics, si Ernest Obiena sa pole vault, at si Nesthy Petecio sa women’s boxing.

Andyan din ang silver medalist na si Eumir Marcia sa boxing at ang bronze winner na si Hidilyn Diaz sa weightlifting.

Sa kabila ng...

Lilinawin namin. Ang mga tagumpay na ito ay “in spite of.”

Sa buong mundo, kalimitan ay magkatambal ang institusyon at kayod ng atleta. Dito sa Pilipinas, nagtagumpay ang mga atletang ito sa kabila ng hindi pantay-pantay at tuluy-tuloy na suporta, kapos na sistema ng training mula sa murang-edad, at walang katapusang pamumulitika ng mga opisyal ng sports commissions.

Habang busog na busog sa insentibo ang mga atleta ng basketball na umaani ng mga perks tulad ng pakotse at bonggang allowance sa kolehiyo pa lamang, madalas ay tirik ang mata ng mga atleta ng mga ‘di sikat na sports.

Nagkakasya na lamang sila sa maliit na allowance na nagbubunga sa hindi angkop na diet. Walang kapaguran silang namamalimos ng uniform, at palagiang kumakatok sa mga korporasyon para sa sponsor.

Marami sa mga nanggaling sa mahirap na pamilya ay 'di nagtutuloy sa karera sa sports dahil hindi na kayang matiis ang naghihikahos na kaanak. Sa ibang bansa, tinitiyak pati ang kalagayan ng pamilya ng mga atleta upang makapag-training sila nang walang alalahanin.

Sa kaso ni Carlos Yulo, sinuportahan siya ng private sector at gymnastics enthusiasts na maaga pa lang ay kumilala na sa kanyang galing. Totoo, dapat bigyan ng special mention ang Palarong Pambansa NCR team na unang nagbigay ng tulak sa kanya. Pero ang pagdya-Japan ni Yulo at pagte-training sa ilalim ng isang batikang Japanese coach ang naging susi sa kanyang tagumpay.

And'yan si Hidylin Diaz na isinama pa ng mga intrigero sa Duterte “ouster matrix.” Bumaling din siya sa Facebook upang humingi ng tulong pinansyal para sa kanyang pangarap sumali sa Tokyo 2020 Olympics. Sabi niya, “Hirap na hirap ako.”

Noong 2012, tulad ng 3 naunang Olympics, luhaan ang Team Philippines na lumahok sa London Olympics dahil wala silang naiuwi kahit na anong medalya. Noong 2016, pinalad si Hidilyn na maka silver sa Rio Olympics — at 'yan ang tanging medalyang napanalunan natin.

Sa 21 Olympic Games mula 1924 na sinalihan ng Pinas, nakasungkit ito ng nakapanlulumong 10 medalya – 3 silver at 7 bronze.

Puso at talento

Ano ba ang problema ng Pilipinas? Hindi naman tayo kulang sa puso, at lalong di rin kulang sa talento. Sa isang panayam sa Rappler, sinabi ng sports analyst na si Ronnie Nathanielz noong 2012, "Our athletes, we lack nutrition, we lack physical and mental conditioning.” Dagdag pa niya, "How can you be mentally strong if you're not physically strong? We don't have training facilities. There's no effort to develop these."

"Lack of vision" ang nakikitang ugat ng problema ni Nathanielz. Ang huling pangulo raw na nagbigay ng matinding suporta sa sports ay si Fidel Ramos. 

Pitong taon na ang lumipas, halos tumpak pa rin ang paglalagom ni Nathanielz.

At paano magkaka-vision kung laging nagbabangayan?

‘In shambles’

Noong Mayo 2019, taghoy ni Philippine Sports Commission Chairman Butch Ramirez, “Today, we wake up to a Philippine sports world in shambles.” Hindi namin alam kung nagmamalinis lang siya at hindi siya bahagi ng problema. Ano't ano man, hindi pa nagkaroon ng iisang kumpas ang mga commissioner ng sports habang ang mga atleta’y naiiwan sa ere.

Anim na buwan bago mag-host ng Southeast Asian Games, nauubos ang oras ni Southeast Asian Games Organizing Committee Chairman Alan Peter Cayetano sa pagde-deny na may kuwestyonableng kasunduang pinasok ng komite.

Marami nang napapailing, napapalunok, at napapadasal na sana'y hindi mapahiya ang bansa sa SEA Games. 

Gulpe de gulat

Bumalik tayo sa selebrasyon ng tatlong talentong nagwagi ng ginto sa world stage. Sa unang pagkakataon, napatugtog ang pambansang awit ng Pilipinas sa mga kompetisyong ito.

Tulad ng ipinakita ng bumangong koponan ng University of the Philippines na 3 dekadang talunan, hindi lamang puso ang susi kundi training sa ilalim na mahuhusay na coach, pera para sa tamang diet, transportasyon, at uniporme at pasilidad na magpapayabong sa skills ng atleta. (Kinumpuni na ang UP gym at hindi na ito madilim at tumutulo.)

Sana'y maging gulpe de gulat ito sa ating mga sports fans, na hindi lamang tayo magwawagayway ng bandila, manonood at tatalon sa tuwa. Kailangan tayo ng mga atleta mula sa kanilang unang kompetisyon, hanggang makarating sila sa tugatog.

Sana'y magsilbing gulpe de gulat ito sa mga otoridad – na sa kabila ng pagkakalat nila, nagtatagumpay ang mga bayaning atleta. – Rappler.com.