Believing that our country’s future depends on a successor generation of leaders able to dedicate their lives to public service, this brief piece explores a different way of doing politics. It is essentially a message to the young considering their futures as they engage in studies that hopefully can contribute to the building of a better country and the making of a future different from the past.

In today’s world, the challenges we face are somehow interconnected: the natural disasters we experience are largely of man’s making and to deal with climate change we equally need to change mindsets of people; the refugees and the displaced number in their thousands because of the armed conflicts that escalate and the political settlements we are unable to negotiate; poverty and inequality increase because we are unable to craft and execute more adequate political economies of inclusion.

It is for this reason that we need to explore a different way of doing politics. We need to acknowledge that what ails most countries, ours included, is that the traditional norms and ways of politics remain the same no matter how the circumstances and contexts vary. 

Take our case, we seem to be stuck in a time-warp: it is 2017, yet we still practice patronage politics that is personality-oriented, family-generated and focused on personal gain over public good. We have a Congress that is deeply involved in the division of spoils and thus the phenomenon of the super-majority. The barriers between political parties have broken down since it is the dispensation of committee chairmanships and choice positions which seem to rule the day rather than the choice between different platforms of government or philosophies of governance.

Learning from our history

We have had our share of inspired leaders who have broken ground, who have shown the way and who have led sterling lives showing that a different way of doing politics is possible. It is also important for citizens to look back at these inspired leaders of the past to build a set of criteria in electing future leaders who aspire to serve the public. In examining the experience of our brave icons who led the struggle against the dictatorship, as well as local leaders and the unheralded names of those who led non-governmental organizations on the ground, a number of precise qualities and traits emerge.

• Character: there is no substitute for integrity, honesty and hard work. No leader can inspire trust unless that leader demonstrates character that is responsible and reliable, and proves to be someone we can always depend on. People of humble beginnings show their character in their capacity to overcome adversity; others, in their ability to sustain the spirit of generosity and selflessness in both good times and bad. Character is thus the first indispensable.
• Competence: character combined with competence commands respect. One has to prepare, to study, to research, to know how to communicate, to articulate ideas in a meaningful way that can be understood by ordinary people. It requires the capacity to work well and effectively with others.  It demands the resourcefulness to be flexible, to be creative and innovative when the time calls for it.
• Courage: leadership demands the capacity to make decisions in times when “a majority” may mean one man or woman of courage; in other words, it may mean taking decisions on the basis of principles, ideals, values; it may mean deciding on the basis of convictions not expediency.  Courage may mean different things in different times. The courage of a Diokno, Tañada, or Salonga was evident during perilous times when the rule of law was put aside and imperial interests prevailed at the time of Martial Law. Nowadays, a similar courage may be required though the context is different. What often prevents us from acting is the fear within and the fear of being a voice beating to the beat of a different drum.

Drawing strength from examples of servant leaders

We are fortunate that in our time and in the recent past we have had the examples of servant leaders who have unstintingly given of themselves to lead exemplary lives of “servant leadership”. 

Nelson Mandela of South Africa was condemned to death unjustly for fighting the inhuman system of apartheid that white rulers had imposed on the majority of blacks. He opposed the politics of exclusion and was sentenced to some 27 years in Robben Island outside Capetown. When he emerged from jail, he was stronger not bitter. He worked with the African National Congress for a negotiated political settlement that eventually dismantled the oppressive system in a largely peaceful manner.

Vaclav Havel of the former Czechoslovakia was a dissident playwright who led a citizens’ forum that challenged the Communist Party by championing human rights and democratic ideals to inspire and mobilize his people. From his prison cell, he was elevated to the presidency and became one of the architects who helped bring down the “iron curtain” from the countries of Eastern and Central Europe.

Pope Francis, the former Jorge Bergoglio of Argentina, worked with the ordinary people of Buenos Aires as shepherd of the flock, as defender of the poor and the weak, as the voice of the vulnerable in the transition of his country from military rule to unstable civilian governments. Elevated to the papacy in Rome, he has continued to preach “mercy and forgiveness”, and live by the precept – “in omnibus, amare et servire”– in everything to love and serve the Lord and His people.

There are numerous examples on the ground, and prominent among them are the women leaders in Africa, Asia, and Latin America who have helped build popular movements and “coalitions of the concerned” in different parts of the world, including Europe and the US. They have pushed back against the politics of intolerance, indifference and fear by continuing to raise awareness and to act courageously in diverse settings at different times.

Word to the successor generation

If we must form a successor generation of servant leaders what qualities must we learn to develop? Perhaps, we can start with a few basics:

Grounded leader

• We may start by becoming more mindful, aware of oneself, one’s strength and shortcomings, able to build lasting relationships and heal “broken” ones.
• We may develop the capacity to adapt to situations and diverse cultures, and have the ability to distinguish priorities; to devise strategies and innovate, to lead as well as manage.
• We may learn to listen, and continue to be open to new ideas and people outside our normal circles; we may learn from ‘failure” taking it in stride as part of our formation.

Committed leader

• We must become people with passion in pursuit of a common purpose, committed to a cause bigger than ourselves.
• We can generate options and alternatives in situations that come our way.
• We can develop the ability to make tough decisions, get things done, take reasonable risks, and “explore the future by doing”.

Enabling Leader

• We can empower others to initiate and innovate, and take the lead if required.
• We could transform risks into opportunities, and confront challenges of change.
• We must develop the stamina to sustain efforts over time and understand that servant leaders require a “built-in marathon mentality”.

If the future is to be made safe and secure, just, and fair, we will certainly need a successor generation of servant leaders who will not shirk the responsibility but joyfully embrace the challenge of a different way of doing politics in this time and place. 

Allow me to end by sharing the story of a servant leader who recently passed away, the late Dina Abad who represented and served her people, the Ivatans of Batanes.  

On the night the dictator fled in 1986, we were together then thinking, “Now the harder part begins.”  We shared an aspiration to craft a new way of doing politics, and that was why we put our lives on the line.  Then, we had no idea that we were embarking on a task of generations. 

She was a modern-day female version of a gender-sensitive Don Quixote de la Mancha tilting at the windmills of Batasan Hills. She was the rare legislator who practiced a “brave brand of politics”;  principled, and undaunted – allowing us to recall what we once said of another woman who broke ground, “Sometimes, the majority is one woman with courage.”

To our young, explore a different way of being citizens and doing politics; not only is It your time; it is in your hands! – Rappler.com

Ed Garcia is a Framer of the 1987 Constitution, who taught at the Ateneo and UP, worked at International Alert and Amnesty International, and now serves as a consultant on formation for scholar-athletes at FEU Diliman.

First of two parts

The issue of fake news is personal and political for me. As an individual, I like my freedom and would want to be always free to express my opinion. That includes promoting my version of the facts as I see it.

As a law and philosophy professor for many decades, I have seen how freedom of thinking and speech, which includes the freedom to have the wrong opinion and to make mistakes in appreciating events, can lead to much growth.

As a practitioner of governance and politics, I have also witnessed how the ability to speak, write, and publish freely is so important for dialogue and consensus. This ability is also important in the search for the truth.

In addressing fake news, defined as deliberate fabrication and dissemination of false facts, my overriding concern is that we do not throw out the baby with the dirty bath water. Fake news and their promoters would have won if we sacrifice in any significant way the great freedoms of speech and press.

In my view, the valid test for taking action against fake news continue to be the classic clear and present danger test. What is the harm created by fake news? How serious is that harm to society? What is the least intrusive (to personal freedom) approach to prevent that harm?

In my view, the best practice is still bad speech (fake news, wrong opinions) should be countered with good speech (the truth, better arguments).

Some speech, whether fake news or bad views, can be very harmful however and this we must figure out how to suppress or hold people liable. For speech that is libelous and that causes a threat to individuals, for example troll attacks that encourage violence, there are already existing laws that can be used to go after the perpetrators. But speech that incite hate and violence is a new phenomenon and is something we need to grapple with.

Fake news is harmful

This is not to say that I am unaware of the dangers and the damage that are the consequences of fake news. Senator Grace Poe, in the hearing held last October 4, laid down the case against fake news persuasively in her opening remarks.

Poe observed that we are “churning out fake news in an industrial scale that it seems that while manufacturing is down, only fake news factories are booming. And that while agriculture output is low, that of troll farms is high.” She likened fake news as the e-version of the budol-budol con which many of our people, unable to distinguish fact from fiction, fall victims to. It is not even farfetched that in the future fake news will trigger wars.”

While broadband should have made us broadminded, Poe observed that “thanks to fake news it has kept many of us imprisoned in our own narrow political beliefs”, “it is being weaponized to enslave people to certain dogma”. Poe points out, and this I agree completely with that, “while the internet also promotes connectivity, it has sadly been used to erect firewalls within and among us that prevent dialogue and the free flow of ideas.And when conversation does not happen, the forging of consensus so essential to democracy is affected.

Poe laments: “If unchecked, fake news cultivates a culture of lying. If purveyors are allowed to get away with their lies,  they embolden government  officials to also lie in order to escape accountability, crush dissent, and commit illegal acts with impunity. If fake news is not challenged, it will create lynch mobs  out of certain people, turning them into an army of character assassins, who can be unleashed, with just one meme, to destroy an idea, a person, or an institution.”

Finally, Senator Poe asked good questions at the beginning of the hearing:

“Has fake news doomed civilized debate, turning it into shouting matches, instead of a collective search for what is good for the society?

“Has fake news created a cynical citizenry, distrustful of authority, negligent of their duties, and pessimistic in their outlook in life?

Has it embroiled us in a permanent state of cyberwar, the kind which gives no quarter to other ideas, and is intolerant of other views?

We also have to ask that while it is the role of each individual to vet sources and check facts, what is the role of the government in addressing the lack of news literacy? Should news literacy be required by schools?

To these questions, I would add what is in the back of many minds: How should fake news be regulated? Are new criminal and civil laws needed to address this problem? Should we set up a regulatory body that will decide for society what is fake news or not and take steps to prevent such news from being disseminated and to punish the guilty?

Distinguishing news from opinion

To answer these questions, one must first distinguish news from opinion. Unfortunately, we have conflated fake news from bad views and that has added to our confusion.

The Cambridge Dictionary defines news as “information or reports about recent events” while fake news are “false stories that appear to be news, spread on the internet or using other media, usually created to influence political views or as a joke”.

News is distinguished from opinion, which the same dictionary defines as “the ideas that a person or a group of people have about something or someone, which are based mainly on their feelings and beliefs, or a single idea of this type”.

Both news and opinion should be based on the truth, but there is usually more conflict in the latter precisely because of the fact that one’s opinion is based mainly on feelings and beliefs.

One must however recognize that there is a gray line between news and views. While there might be only one set of facts that could be reported, there could be different interpretations of these same facts. One could have different witnesses; for example, bystanders would see things differently from participants in a violent altercation. Regardless of how objective a reporter may be, she or he brings her own biases in writing her or his stories.

Two examples illustrate this gray area: the story of the 7 senators who did not sign the minority led resolution on extrajudicial killings of minors and who were subsequently accused of Pinoy Ako Blog (PAB) of being pro-EJK and more recently the visit of European activists to the Philippines that caused President Duterte to once again hurl insults to the European Union, even going to the extent of ordering their Ambassadors to leave the country in 24 hours.

In both cases, there were facts that was the basis of the reaction but those facts when communicated by a blogger (in the case of the 7 senators) and as understood by a President who does not seem to benefit from complete staff work were interpreted through their respective biases. PAB is decisively anti-Duterte and Duterte is already angry with the Europeans; understandably, they would interpret facts from this perspective.

Going back to an earlier point I make, we must not conflate fake news and bad views. Fake news must be countered by the truth, bad views with better arguments.

Fake news is old and new

Fake news and bad views are not a new phenomenon. We always have had them, motivated by politics, self-interest, for fun or even for no reason at all. But in the past, the established media platforms controlled the flow of these news and information.

While not perfect, traditional media did have common and accepted journalistic methods of fact checking and verification, editing of content and language, procedures for getting the other side of the story, allowing for publication of replies, and procedures for issuing erratums and apologies. Some newspapers even have ombudspersons and reader’s advocates that monitor the work of their reporters and writers.

In the Philippines, to implement the right to reply, the Philippine Press Institute, with most newspapers as members, established the Philippine Press Council as a self-regulatory body. I have been chairing this body, being a representative of academe, for more than five years and we have had very few cases.

The Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility, founded and led by the veteran journalist Melinda Quintos de Jesus, promoted journalistic ethics and monitors media coverage, never hesitating to call out media excesses and failures.

While these internal and external systems have been helpful in the past, the advent of the 24/7 news cycle, the internet, and social media has rapidly changed the situation. News organizations need to be more agile now and the old system has to adjust to that. In addition, everyone theoretically has the ability to released news, fake or true, and views, good or bad. The ordinary Facebook or Twitter is still probably harmless but some clearly have a wider reach than others. In the case of the latter, most are one person operations and, even if motivated by good intentions, certainly would not have the same resources as traditional media would have to fact-check, verify, edit language, etc. – Rappler.com

Coming up: Part two: Confrontation at the Senate

Swarming around us is a giant wave of sardines, moving as one to avoid circling
predators like tuna and mackerel.

I’m with underwater photographer Danny Ocampo and we’re diving in Moalboal, known for its ‘sardine run’ – where millions of sardines aggregate just meters from shore. (READ: [PH Travel] Running with sardines)

Beneath us, hungry mackerel swoop down like dive-bombers. In an instant, dozens of hapless sardines are gone. The rest swoosh on and the bubbling free-for- all continues, floating silver scales all that’s remaining of the departed.

Uncanned 

When I ask people about sardines, they’re usually equated with 555, Ligo, or for the more nostalgic ones, Rose Bowl (some also equated them with the MRT or LRT). But what do sardines actually look like? Surprisingly, most people don’t know, for when they peel open sardine cans, they get faceless fish swimming in sauce, heads and tails already chopped off. (READ: Tuna, sardines help fight breast cancer)

Sardines are bullet-shaped fish which cruise the world’s oceans in vast schools. In Africa, individual sardine schools are 7 kilometers long and nearly two kilometers wide! Forming the building blocks of the marine food chain, they gorge on wafting clouds of zooplankton and are in turn eaten by larger marine predators like mackerel,tuna and sharks. Six major sardine species are commercially-harvested in the Philippines – and except for fish geeks, they all look alike (silver fish with beady eyes).

Though small in size, their economic contribution is anything but tiny. In 2015, the country netted 344,730,201 kilograms of sardines, amounting to P7.43 billion – proving that the industry is one of the country’s major economic drivers. Thousands of Filipinos are employed as fishers, traders or factory workers in the canning, fish drying and bottling sectors, Zamboanga alone employing over 30,000 people.

Though the production trend for sardines seems to be increasing since the year 2000, some local stocks are showing signs of overfishing – like smaller sizes for mature fish and dwindling catch rates for commercial ring-netters. Despite the sheer size of sardine shoals, they aren’t limitless.

Conserving Philippine sardines

Armed with massive nets and tracking gear, commercial fishing vessels with can make short work of sardine schools – even those as large as the ones in Moalboal. Without proper management, they may someday be overfished to the point of extinction. Impossible? (READ: Beach and diving time at Moalboal)

The story of the Passenger Pigeon – once among Earth’s most common birds – is ominous. A single, billions-strong flock flying above Southern Ontario in 1866 was 1.5 kilometers wide and 500 kilometers long. It would have filled the sky from Manila to Ilocos Norte with birds! Sadly, Martha, the world’s last Passenger Pigeon, was laid to rest in 1914, just 48 years later – her kind completely eradicated by commercial hunting.

“Given how important sardines are to our economy, we should ensure that our fisheries are well-managed. We fully support the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) in creating a science-based management framework for sardines,” says Oceana Philippines Senior Marine Scientist Jimely Flores.

Over the past 5 years, closed seasons banning sardine fishing have been implemented in the Visayan Sea, Tañon Strait, and Zamboanga, which produces 80% of the country’s output. But sardine reproduction is influenced by many factors. Closed season regulations are just one of many solutions needed.

“Reviewing quotas and minimum fish sizes, banning certain types of fishing gear and enhancing our closed season policies will allow our fish stocks to recover,” adds BFAR assistant director for Technical Services Drusila Bayate.

Global conservation organization Oceana believes that by combining sound science and policies to manage fisheries in just 25 countries, humanity can secure 90% of the world’s wild seafood and feed a billion people every day, forever. (READ: Sardine makers seek price increase amid fishing ban)

Moalboal and many places in the country still harbor immense shoals of sardines, soaring above and around coral reefs exploding with life.

“Now this is the world we envision,” concludes Oceana Philippines Vice-president Atty. Gloria Estenzo-Ramos.

“Vibrant oceans teeming with life – able to feed Filipinos and act as bastions for biodiversity.”

Saving the oceans to feed the world 

As we near the end of our dive, I took a closer look at the sardines, all of whom are nervously trying their best to not be noticed. It’s pretty hard because at first, they all look similar – but soon some pop-out, being larger than others or sporting scars or bite marks.

So these are the sardines we’ve been eating since we were kids – only this time, they’re no longer faceless. Alive, they flit and flirt and reflect the azure iridescence of the sky above. They’re numerous, yes – but individually, they’re very vulnerable. As Danny signals our ascent, I took a last look at the shoal, still busy as ever. More mackerel swoop in. The slowest and unluckiest sardines disappear.

Unlike in Moalboal where sardines enjoy a degree of protection, many more swim in waters where the real free-for- all happens. Except this time, the mackerel and tuna are commercial boats – hauling whole schools with colossal nets and high-tech fishing gear like sonar and GPS. (READ: Sardine conservation measures paying off)

When BFAR finally rolls out a sound sardine management plan, these silver fish can breathe easier. But if commercial fishers keep hauling more than what each generation of sardines can replenish, then I can only wonder how long it might be before there’s nothing’s left but silver scales, wafting silent in the blue. – Rappler.com 

Multi-awarded environmentalist Gregg Yan is the Director for Communications of Oceana Philippines. He is a Master SCUBA diver, a Reefcheck Eco-Diver and is absolutely in love with the natural world.

On September 24, 2017, the Islamic State’s Al-Hayat Media released a video titled “Hijrah Will Not Cease” in which a Singaporean fighter “Abu Uqayl” beckoned the ISIS (Islamic State) faithful to do their duty and travel to East Asia, specifically highlighted as opposed to other destinations.

This is nothing new: since the Marawi siege that began on May 23 and continues today, the Philippines – known as Islamic State East Asia – has dominated ISIS media coverage (Western corporate media has largely ignored Marawi and its implications for IS globally). The Terrorism Research & Analysis Consortium (TRAC) counted 99 attack claims (press releases) from Amaq Media Agency from late May to late September, more than twice the number of claims from any other country or region outside of Iraq and Syria during the same period. Indeed, nearly 70 claims came out of Marawi, which not only created the perception of an Islamic State East Asia, but reflected a true and tangible, highly capable ISEA fighting force.

While the battle for Marawi continues and Al-Hayat Media even released a special Nasheed for it on October 12, the last Amaq claim was on September 27. Three weeks is by far the longest dry spell since the first claim in May and reflects what TRAC calls the middle endgame period – the early endgame period began in August when claims were no longer released every 3 days or so.

New hijrah destination 

As ISIS claims for attacks in Marawi dwindled in August, claims from other areas in the Philippines came out more frequently. Another group of jihadis, a faction of the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) called Jamaatul Mujahideen Wal Ansar (JMWA), were engaged in a series of clashes with the government-allied Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) roughly 250 kilometers south in eastern Maguindanao province. MILF went about dislodging JMWA from several enclaves (designated MILF peace zones) after the group raised the IS flag in Datu Salibo in early August. Islamic State media claimed 16 JMWA-based "Islamic State soldier" attacks purported to have more killed than 100 MILF fighters from August 2 to September 27.

Claims just from Datu Salibo 

• (Claim) Islamic State East Asia/ Philippines- 8 Moro Islamic Liberation Front fighters killed and 11 injured in Dato Slipo (Datu Salibo)- Maguindanao, Philippines- 19 September 2017
• (Claim) Islamic State East Asia/ Philippines- 10 Moro Islamic Liberation Front fighters killed and 8 injured in Dato Slipo (Datu Salibo)- Maguindanao, Philippines- 18 September 2017
• (Claim) Islamic State East Asia/ Philippines- 5 Moro Liberation Front (MILF) soldiers killed in clashes with IS in Dato Slipo (Datu Salibo) Maguindanao, Philippines- 15 September 2017
• (Claim) Islamic State East Asia / Philippines: 3 Moro Liberation Front (MILF) fighters killed in BIFF attack in Dato Salifu province Maguindanao, Philippines 13 September 2017
• (Claim) Islamic State East Asia/Philippines (BIFF) Two Moro Liberation Front members killed in Datu Salibo neighborhood in Maguindanao, Philippines - 9 September 2017
• (Claim) Islamic State East Asia / Philippines: Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF) IED Kills 9 and wounds 6 MILF in ​​Dato Salifu province Maguindanao, Philippines- 07 August 2017
• (Claim) Islamic State East Asia/Philippines (Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF)): IS Ambush Philippine Soldiers in Two Separate Locations - Sharif Aguak and Datu Salibo Maguindanao, Philippines - 20 July 2017

ISEA converge on Datu Salibo

Credible sources confirm what TRAC analysis discerned from ISIS claim trends: a post-Marawi Islamic State relocation to the MILF-and-BIFF-controlled areas of the Maguindanao-North Cotabato border (Mag-NC). The destination of the Islamic State’s jihadi pipeline is no longer Marawi city, where they have been funneling (or failing to funnel) fighters and bomb-makers since December 2016 if not before. Both militants from abroad and Maute members escaping from Marawi have found their way to the JMWA bases in Datu Salibo. 

A joint operation of Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the MILF Task Force Ittihad engaged JMWA on September 27. Reports coming out after AFP and MILF forces captured the JMWA base in Barangay Tee claimed 5 Iraqi nationals, 10 Singaporeans and an unspecified number of Malaysians and Indonesians were among a group of roughly 150 local and foreign fighters assembled in the area on 23 September to plot attacks.

The September 27 raid also confirmed a direct connection between the Maute Group in Marawi and BIFF-JMWA, which AFP spokesmen have since underlined. A senior member of the Maute Group was killed during the battle in Barangay Tee along with at least five other JMWA fighters. The slain Ansari Alimama, an ethnic Maranao from Butig, Lanao del Sur, was reportedly close to leaders Omar and Abdullah Maute.

JMWA an ISEA-inspired creation

Unlike the Maute Group, Abu Sayyaf and BIFF (but more like the defunct Ansar al-Khilafah Philippines), JMWA did not exist before ISEA. JMWA is run by Esmael Abdulmalik (aka Abu Toraife/Toraype) an influential cleric and skilled bombmaker said to be a student of infamous Malaysian bomber Marwan (Zulkifli bin Hir), killed in March 2015 along with 44 soldiers in the Mamasapano massacre, near Datu Salibo. Marwan also serves as a common link between Abdulmalik and the 3 Malaysians most responsible for shuttling fighters and funding to Marawi city, Darul Islam Sabah members Dr Mahmud Ahmad, Muham­mad Joraimee Awang Raimee and Mohd Najib Husen – the latter two recently killed in Marawi.

Abdulmalik and several other clerics – Salahudin Hassan, Bashir Ungab, Nasser Adil and Ansari Yunos – broke away from the IS-linked BIFF Imam Bongos/Abu Mama Misry faction in October 2016. And yet reports suggest coordination between JMWA and its old BIFF crew as of late September 2017. At the same time that Iraqis and Singaporeans were entering Datu Salibo (23 September), the BIFF Bongos faction converged on a secluded barangay in nearby Guindulungan and engaged in firefights with several AFP detachments until they were dispersed by artillery fire. Also, while the raid on JMWA was occurring in Barangay Tee on September 27, two IED blasts were triggered along the road of an army training camp in nearby Datu Odin Sinsuat, Maguindanao, wounding a policeman, a soldier and two village officials. The attack was sophisticated in that the second bomb targeted responders to the first bomb. Indeed, security sources have noted that the BIFF Bongos faction is attempting to avenge comrades killed in the JMWA vs MILF war.

As recently as October 9, government forces conducting “anti-ISIS” operations against "20 IS-inspired BIFF" uncovered a cache of explosives, weapons and shabu (crystal methamphetamine) at the border of Talitay and Datu Anggal Midtimbang, Maguindanao, which surround Guindulungan town. It is worth noting how military-based media reports have begun to feed into the Islamic State narrative by referring to fighters not by BIFF factions but in terms of their ISIS affiliations.

The above suggests that through its media/propaganda wing, the Islamic State continues to unite foreign fighters and regional jihadi networks under one banner in Central Mindanao, even as the government has eliminated more than 600 fighters and re-asserted control in most of Marawi.

Destination: North Cotabato

Pushed out of out of their Maguindanao strongholds, Abdulmalik and his Islamic State allied cadre have moved toward Midsayap, North Cotabato, along the Mag-NC border. AFP detachments have been staking out BIFF lairs since late September when troops discovered a 60mm mortar in Talayan, Maguindanao, meant for transport to a BIFF operational base in Barangay Nabalawag, reportedly run by a Mando Mamalumpong (alias Commander DM).

On September 25, government forces in Nabalawag captured BIFF militant Muslimin Ladtugan (alias Commander Mus), connected to Abdulmalik and JMWA. Ladtugan is said to facilitate the movement of high-powered firearms and war materials, such as the 60mm artillery, for BIFF factions. Officials claim Ladtugan was planning a bombing spree to divert the AFP offensives in Maguindanao.

Security sources say troops, monitoring militant activity on September 28, discovered a temporary Islamic State base in Poblacion 7, Midsayap, ran by the Dilangalen clan, who are active in the nearby municipality of Pikit as well and have links to Ansar al-Khilafah Philippines (AKP) in South Cotabato and Sarangani.

On October 4, a 6-hour blackout occurred in areas of North Cotabato and Maguindanao due to the IED bombing of a key National Grid and Power Corporation (NGCP) tower near Carmen, North Cotabtao. The news headline “AFP considers Maguindanao and Cotabato as most threatened areas” ran on October 6 (UNTV News and Rescue) after military officials cited groups there involved in helping the Maute Group in Marawi. A security source claims to TRAC “the IS are gaining momentum in North Cotabato.”

On October 10, 3 soldiers were ambushed and injured in Nabalawag by “ISIS-inspired armed men” (as referred to by the Philippine News Agency).

The return of Ansar al-Khilafah Philippines (AKP)

In addition to the AKP connections of the Dilangalen clan in North Cotabato, on September 28 2017, Al-Khalifa Philippines (AKP) was reportedly conducting recruitment activities in Polomolok, South Cotabato. The group is operating in Sarangani Province and attempting to lure minors, reportedly through the Nilong family, longtime MILF members and training camp facilitators. However, this "AKP South" is said to consist of only 5 members.

In January 2017, after its leader and ideologue, Sarangani-based Mohammad Jaafir Sabiwang Maguid (alias Commander Tokboy) and other ranking members were killed in a police raids, the AKP lost its cohesiveness. It soon merged with the ISIS United Cyber Caliphate.

Zaidon Nilong was arrested on January 17, 2017, as a potential new leader of AKP. On February 10, he gave an interview to local media from the South Cotabato Provincial Jail. He was reported as [according to translation] “emotional in saying that he never dreamed to be the leader of the terrorist group such as al-Khilafah which he said is against the rules of Islam.”

Conclusion

The power of the Islamic State movement and banner to unite and mobilize an array of extremists and sympathizers in the Philippines should not be exaggerated. ISIS propagandists might not be the only ones with an interest in presenting the post-Marawi perception of a serious unified ISIS threat. It can also be used to justify martial law throughout Mindanao.

Marawi is a unique situation but has at least one clear lesson for those jihadis paying attention: The Islamic State helps those who help themselves by earning the right to use its propaganda machine for their own recruitment and organizing purposes.

The future of ISIS in Mindanao depends largely on one thing: reliable sanctuary. Sanctuary is guaranteed by winning either the support of the local community or the local elites – such as a MILF commander. Recently, after the clearing of the Islamic State group JMWA from Datu Salibo, authorities brought in Islamic theologians to de-radicalize those people who had been under the thumb of cleric Esmael Abdulmalik. The narrative framing of the Marawi siege-and-response among Muslims will likely play a big role in whether ISIS continues its toehold in Central Mindanao. – Rappler.com 

Michael Quiñones is a Research Associate for TRAC: Terrorism Research & Analysis Consortium who specializes in jihadist activity in the Pacific Rim, Middle East and Turkey.  TRAC is a digital intelligence repository on political violence and terrorism can be accessed at http://www.tracterrorism.org/ or follow us on Twitter at @TRACterrorism

If you’ve experienced being harassed and threatened online, you know that the fears are not imagined. They are recurring and magnified by the frequency and viciousness of the attacks from complete strangers, faceless people you don’t even know.

Jover Laurio, a law student who is behind the Pinoy Ako Blog (PAB), was compelled to shed her anonymity on Friday the 13th, after the threats to her person became nasty, ugly, and full of hate. As she recounted during a Rappler Talk interview, she had been the target of death threats and humiliation online.

“Ingungudngud kita sa semento ’pag nakita kita (I’ll press your face to the cement when I see you)” and “’Pag nakasalubong kita, patay ka sa ‘kin (If I bump into you, you’re dead)” were among the threats.

The plague of cyberbullying in all forms continues to this day, happening on social media platforms, digital devices and mobile phones, and even email. All attacks have the sole intent to harm, humiliate, destroy reputations, intimidate, and even disrupt – if not destroy – lives.

Talk about disruption as a result of online abuse. Laurio has had to file a leave of absence from both work and law school. It’s unbelievable how blogging, a seemingly harmless way of exercising freedom of speech and expression, could radically alter one’s life and turn things upside down.

For sure, Laurio is neither the first nor the only one in recent days to have been abused online. Neither has she been the only one forced out of anonymity. Before the Senate hearing on fake news, where PAB was mentioned by Thinking Pinoy’s RJ Nieto, she was cloaked with anonymity and she unabashedly criticized the Duterte administration for its excesses and abuses. What motivated her to blog? Simply the desire to speak up about extrajudicial killings, weeping mothers left behind by murdered sons suspected of dealing with illegal drugs. Not in her wildest imagination did she expect to be attacked and shamed online.

What motivates the pro-Duterte bloggers to spit out such vitriol and trash online? They say it’s for the sake of the country, to protect the President and allow him to govern without having to battle with negativism from both the media and the opposition. They’re entitled to speak up in whatever manner they wish – freedom of speech is a favorite defense – but the trash talk is something else, certainly not befitting so-called defenders of the President. But then again, the President sets the bar so low for hate speech.

What fuels the hate and the toxicity? It’s the sense of entitlement and power, of being backed and supported by those in power. “What are we in power for?” the haters seem to gloat. Power entitles them to be arrogant and shameless, supposedly for love of country and patriotism. There is an obfuscated justification for the cruelty, the crassness, and profanity online.

Being appointed to positions in government has made no impact on behavior online. Rather than becoming more circumspect with posts, making sure they are correct and factual, or that they do not denigrate or malign, some of the pro-Duterte bloggers have become even more arrogant and defiant – riding on the coattails of the President. As if this were not enough, they have also made a profit for themselves, making a living out of destroying people’s names.

The way these attacks have become ordinary and everyday is totally unacceptable. These are abnormal and should not be the norm. Freedom of speech does not equate to trampling on the reputation and the rights of others. It was never intended to be abused.

These bullies have had their way for some time now only because not enough people have challenged them. They dominate because not enough have come forward to refute and oppose them – precisely because of the power they seem to wield on account of the President and the powers of his office.

Laurio is among those who have courageously spoken up, choosing to stubbornly stand by what is factual and right – even at great cost to her safety.

At a time when distortions of truth and moral standards abound, it would do good for the nameless and the faceless online to emerge and be heard. – Rappler.com

Second of two parts | Part 1: Fake news, bad views, and society’s loss

In the Senate hearing last October 4, traditional media came out well while the pro-Duterte bloggers gave the impression of being arrogant, careless with their facts, and contemptuous of other people. (WATCH: Senate hearing on fake news online)

Unlike others, I thought that Senator Senator Grace Poe chaired the hearing vwery well. As a long-time practitioner and professor of negotiations and consensus building, that was excellent facilitation. She was fair and balanced, true to what she promised when she called the session to order: “Let me make it clear that I accord respect to every single resource person in my hearing. I don’t choose whether you’re against me or for me or for my views. And the reason why I’m giving you this chance is because this hearing is not for me.”

Poe gave all her resource persons sufficient air time and was deferential to all of us (I was invited as an expert on constitutional law). I personally would not have praised Mr RJ Nieto, the blogger behind Thinking Pinoy, the way she did. But if she had a first-hand experience of Nieto’s blogs, apparently in the Uber-LTFRB issue, then there might have been a basis for that comment she has been widely criticized for.

Senator Poe also gave every senator a chance to ask questions and that is why Bam Aquino and Nancy Binay were able to ask the most effective questions in that hearing. These were addressed to Assistant Secretary Mocha Uson who failed to answer satisfactorily why she does not seek the side of people she criticizes and why she is still blogging even if she is already a government official.

It’s interesting to me that Senator Binay stood out as smart, objective and fair in the Senate hearing. After all, her father was maliciously and incessantly attacked with fake news and bad views to stop him from winning the 2016 elections. I salute Senator Binay for transcending her personal experience and doing the right thing.

Spotlight on the bloggers

My main critique of Poe’s performance in that meeting was her remarks on the anti-Duterte bloggers, noting with some sarcasm their absence and anonymity. The senator is aware that this is a vindictive government and it's understandable why critics go underground.

In any case, the spotlight was on the pro-Duterte bloggers in that hearing and people are able to conclude what kind of persons they are, their methods of research or lack of it, and whether they can be trusted. Those who are pro-Duterte thought they did well, while those who are anti-Duterte highlight the arrogance, unfairness, and disregard of the truth by the bloggers.

Personally, I have nothing against the pro-Duterte bloggers. I consider them as propagandists and have always seen their work from that perspective. There have been a couple of times that some of them have attacked me but I did and do not mind that. I do have strong opinions and I expect people will disagree with me.

For the last two years, I have conducted moot court exercises where I asked my students to exhaustively research the writings and posts of pro- and anti-Duterte bloggers and to attack and defend them on the basis of their propagation of fake news and inciting of hate versus freedom of speech and press.

In all occasions we have done this exercise, the students usually conclude that most of the time, these bloggers are really just proposing political arguments albeit very passionately and in tenors that make dialogue impossible. It is different of course when there is an incitement to hate or violence, when language is used so that the target is exposed to psychological and physical danger. There can be accountability for that.

In this context, I fully support Ms Jover Laurio, the blogger behind the Pinoy Ako Blog. My politics is different from hers  (I do not think that everything the Duterte government has done is wrong nor do I believe the previous government was free of malfeasance) and I would use more polite language, but I find her idealism and courage refreshing. Teaching more than 400 law students in a week in schools across the Philippines, I encourage my law students to emulate Ms Laurio. I also agree with her strategy of filing as many law suits as there are those who threaten her with physical harm. She should also go after the instigators.

Who will guard the guardians?

This resort to case by case litigation, using existing laws, might be the best way to approach the problem of fake news and bad views. I suggest that this is also the way forward against those who make threats and those that instigate them. Of course, this can also have a chilling effect on free speech but this is a better choice than new laws that would allow for prior restraint. I also would counsel bloggers or government officials not to resort to filing libel: for the former, because most of them do cross libelous boundaries frequently; for the latter, because they should not be onion-skinned.

I certainly do not trust any government body to police traditional media and social media. If such body is created, it will be proper to ask that classic question: who will guard the guardians?

Congress, however, does have options with respect to the platforms that allow fake news and hate language to proliferate. In Germany, it has been reported that laws will be passed imposing heavy fines on Facebook, Twitter, and other social media platforms for failure to take out fake or hate content within specified timeframes. Laws are not even necessary for this as consumer demand might be enough.

To defeat fake news and bad views, we must also understand how we got to where we are now. In my view, it’s because of our collective tolerance of the excesses of politics. In my view, the quality of our politics began with the demonization of Erap Estrada in the impeachment process against him and in the manner in which Estrada was ousted. This continued with the way former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo won the 2004 elections against Ferdando Poe Jr.

President Noynoy Aquino could have changed the political atmosphere in 2010 by being more magnanimous in victory. But instead, the politically motivated attacks, going beyond the boundaries of ethics and truth, continued first against Arroyo and Chief Justice Renato Corona, and then Vice President Jejomar Binay.

Later the same tactics were used against Senator Grace Poe, Secretary Mar Roxas, and in the last days of the campaign, against Mayor Rodrigo Duterte when the latter began to lead in the polls. There were legitimate issues against all these individuals but one wished partisans respected basic boundaries of decency.

President Duterte could also have changed the toxic politics of this country. But instead, his own speeches have worsened the situation.

To end, I echo Senator Poe’s closing remarks in the Senate hearing: “I think that if there is one thing agreed upon in this hearing it is this: misinformation should have no place in today’s democratic society, if we can prevent it. Speech, as long as it is not libelous, seditious or does not incite violence, should not be curtailed or inhibited. I’ll be the first one to speak against that. Therefore, think before you click.” – Rappler.com

The favorite pejorative of online trolls is “biased.” They often use it to question the credibility of a media outlet such as this one, or, sometimes, academics like myself who should be “neutral” in their analysis.

In the handful of times I’ve engaged rabid pro-Duterte trolls, I’ve gotten a version of the argument, “Maybe you’re just biased against the president.” “Of course I am!” I reply. I am biased against the president. Because I’m biased against violence and authoritarianism.

My biases are products of my values, the lenses through which I assess moral and political questions. I cannot help seeing the world through these lenses because I am human: I experience, I feel, I judge. Everyone has biases. Some people are just more open about them.

Want to avoid futile debates about neutrality? Admit your biases upfront. It’s a simple enough solution for individuals, but the news media should consider it as well. Our newspapers and news websites should stop pretending that they just report facts; they should provide us the principles that anchor what and how they report.

We take it for granted that reporters and editors are bound by priestly vows of neutrality. But this vow emerged more from the demands of capitalism than from ethical ones. As American newspapers relied more on advertising in the 19th and 20th centuries, they decided that avoiding bias would make them more money. If you did not take a position for or against anyone, you could receive advertising money from anyone. Today’s readers may be surprised to know that in the late 19th century, many American newspapers were still openly identified as “Democrat” or “Republican.”

In the United Kingdom, newspapers continue to openly identify with economic and political ideals. The Economist is the weekly of choice for advocates of liberal politics and free markets. The New Statesman calls itself progressive and liberal, and readers know it is to the left of The Economist.

But we need not look far for evidence of biased media. In 1888, Filipinos in Spain founded La Solidaridad, which advocated for reforms such as Filipino representation in the Spanish cortes. Almost nothing in the paper was straightforward reportage, but few would doubt that its writers were doing journalism. I wonder what invectives the trolls would have directed the way of Jose Rizal or Marcelo del Pilar. Be like Mocha, Pepe, she tells it like it is without yellow bias. No bayas.

A major problem in Philippine politics is that voters do not vote based on platforms. This is largely because politicians don’t run on platforms. But it is also because the media do not frame debates through coherent worldviews. And more importantly, it is because the media pretend to not have platforms, which not only retards platform-based politics, but also annoys readers who can see through the pretense.

So why don’t we stop pretending? Can The Manila Times admit that it advocates a strong executive and that it is supportive of President Duterte? Can this website admit that it is a bastion of liberal independence and free speech and that its anti-authoritarianism has made it critical of Rodrigo Duterte? I don’t know if the future Inquirer will ever admit that it has become crony media.

Like the newspapers mentioned above, our news media should explicitly outline their political and economic leanings. Our news media should also consider endorsing political candidates during elections, the way newspapers like The New York Times do. These simple acts allow readers to know what to expect when they visit a news website or buy a newspaper. They will serve as acts of good faith.

Of course, I don’t mean that news media should remold the truth to support their positions. A biased media is not a lying media. Fake news is not slanted news; fake news is false news. You can anchor your reporting on principles, while at the same time checking your sources and backing your claims with evidence. This new approach will take getting used to, but we have reached a point when nobody believes in the media neutrality myth anyway. We need something new. And we need to be honest.

The historian Leopold von Ranke famously enjoined those in his guild to “extinguish the self”. Without the self, he believed, historians would be able to record facts objectively. Ranke has rightly been criticized for proposing the impossible. The self will always be there, and it will have opinions and biases.

Rather than extinguishing the self, we should wrestle with it and explore its limitations, celebrating the advantages and limits of subjectivity. We can do this because we are human. Reporters and editors are human too. – Rappler.com

Lisandro E. Claudio (@leloyclaudio on Twitter) teaches history at De La Salle University and hosts Rappler.com’s web show Basagan ng Trip. 

The federalism train has left the station. The Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Laban (PDP)  has submitted a draft Constitution to the House of Representatives; hearings on proposed changes are ongoing. But the PDP draft is loaded with so many compromises in an obvious  bid to secure quick approval that it is not clear what its destination is.

Many key elements, the number and powers of federal states, fiscal relations between local and central government – the core of federalism – apparently are still to be worked out.

The PDP draft does not propose the number of federal states. Art X, Section 6. says (1) “There shall be created regions of the federal republic each consisting of provinces, cities, municipalities, and barangays and geographical areas with sufficient territories, inhabitants, and resources necessary to sustain and promote a stable and efficient regional government, sharing common and distinctive historical and cultural heritage, economic and social structures…” The federal states and their boundaries will be set in an ordinance which will be an integral part of the Constitution. In interviews, leaders of the PDP Laban Federalism Institute say that they support the 11 federal states plus Metro Manila of Nene Pimentel.

The proposed formation process is long and involved. 

(a) There shall be a plebiscite for the approval of regional units and territories simultaneous with the plebiscite ratifying the proposed amendments to the Constitution.

In case the voters of a proposed region did not vote favorably on the creation of a region, upon the petition of 5% of the registered voters in a region, another plebiscite shall be called and conducted for the purpose of this section.

The federal government shall continue to exercise its powers and functions over regions that did not vote favorably in such plebiscite.

(b) Within a period of 18 months from the ratification of the Constitution, Parliament shall enact a regional and local government code applicable symmetrically to all regions except for autonomous regions established under the 1987 constitution.

The regional local government code shall establish a regional commission which shall act as the interim regional government. Members will include incumbent governors of provinces and mayors of highly urbanized cities and independent component cities within the region. Until the enactment of an organic act for each region, the regional commission shall be the interim regional government, acting as a collegial body, with executive and legislative powers.

Chairmanship of the commission shall be by rotation among its members where each member of the commission from each province, highly urbanized city, and independent component cities shall be given a term of one year to serve as chairperson. The commission shall exercise the executive powers of the region as a collegial body. The commission shall elect a regional chief administrator who shall be a professional manager to exercise the executive functions of the commission. The commission shall create and organize the government offices and bureaucracy necessary for the effective and efficient functioning of the regional government.

The commission shall exercise the legislative powers granted by the Constitution to regional governments. The commission shall be assisted by a regional consultative assembly composed of 3 representatives from each of the legislative assemblies of each province, highly urbanized city and independent component cities.

The commission shall provide for regional councils composed of representatives of regional departments of the federal government and other government offices, and representatives from different sectors and non-governmental organizations for the purpose of advising the commission and regional consultative assembly.

The terms of office of elective regional and local officials, except barangay officials, which shall be provided by law, shall be 5 years and no such official shall serve for more than 2 consecutive terms.

(c) The federal government shall gradually devolve and decentralize funding, functions, and responsibilities in accordance with the financial and organizational capacity of the regions.

(d) Five years after the creation of the region, each region may opt for an organic act to be enacted by parliament in order to form the regional government with elective legislative and executive departments.

The PDP proposal leaves room for negotiating the fiscal shares of local and central government, limiting itself only to setting the frame for fiscal federalism. Thus, while national/federal taxes will be shared, “specific national taxes collected within the territorial jurisdiction of each region shall be retained by and shall accrue exclusively to the regional government.” Regional governments shall be entitled to at least 50% share in the proceeds of the utilization and development of the national wealth such as mining, hydro and geothermal, forestry, fisheries, pasture leases within their respective areas.

An “Equalization Fund” is proposed to give unconditional, general purpose block grants as well as conditional and matching grants. The fund is to be administered by a “National Finance Commission” appointed by the president. The commission shall, after consultation with the regions, submit a report and recommendation to parliament on how the equalization fund shall be allocated. The allocation of these revenues among different constituent units of the regional government shall be determined under the regional and local government code.

The long transition period proposed by the PDP makes sense, given the complexity of the changes. It also gives scope to local initiative, making it a more democratic process than if it were imposed top- down. Another advantage is that it would minimize the resource requirements, less people and less additional money. Not incidentally, it would allow incumbents to remain in place with considerably more resources, minimizing opposition. Its main disadvantage, given the long and elaborate process, is that there’s also a lot of scope for things to go wrong.

I have a problem mainly with the criteria for determining the number of federal states. The PDP formula has no connection with the main weakness of the current set-up, the dependence of local government on central government transfers. There is more than enough fiscal space to support a shift to a federal system and its attendant redistribution of resources.

The problem is that given sharp inequality of regional economic activity, even if you give federal states new taxing powers, only 3 regions are financially viable. Only these 3 regions can generate enough revenue to support their expanded share of services. You will recreate the current system where the central government subsidizes most of the regions.

Miral is clear on the results of the current arrangement on corruption and service delivery. This arrangement “…weakens local governments’ incentive to exert effort in the provision of market-enhancing public goods. Local governments that exercise good governance are not able to fully internalize the revenue benefits of their good policies since increased tax collections that go with their economic growth-enhancing policies accrue to the central government that, in turn, distributes it to all local governments regardless of their performance… Financing of local government services by central government transfers weakens the link between the benefits and costs of public spending. Transfers relieve local governments from raising their own revenues that would require them to explain, justify, convince and demonstrate to their taxpayers that taxes are necessary and the funds raised will be spent responsibly…clientelism is facilitated and sustained by centralized taxation and central government transfers to sub-national governments…This is because they only consider the benefits of these projects without seriously examining their costs.”[1]

The design for a new federal system should address the way the current fiscal arrangement generates local governments which have little incentive to collect taxes, provide services, and are not accountable to their constituents. The new design should generate a new dynamic in local politics where political competition is focused on providing social and economic services for generating growth, where, as a result, local governments become more accountable to their constituents. In the end, a shift to a federal system with its attendant risks, is justifiable only if it advances local democracy.

In an earlier presentation PDP called for a “grand bargain” – a package of reforms to make federalism succeed. This is concretized in the proposed amendments. There is a long section (Art IX Section 11-13) regulating party-switching, dynasties and providing financial support for political parties. The allocation of 40% of seats in the federal assembly to a system of proportional representation could have done more to strengthen political parties. But this was compromised by putting the system in a regional straight jacket. Proportionality is to be determined by region instead of nationally.

In the end, the reform impulses of the PDP proposal are compromised by a design which is apparently geared towards securing support in the House of Representatives. Single member districts and their incumbents will be retained. The majority of party-list groups which are creations of local political clans are assured seats through a bastardized region-based proportional representation system. With federal regions still dependent on the central government, congressmen will also retain their “fetching” roles.

Students of charter change warn of “unintended consequences”. The logic of the PDP proposal seems to suggest an “intended consequence” – a political system which will be easier for the Duterte regime to control. Local governments which will remain dependent on central government largesse and a basically unchanged House of Representatives will mean no significant change from the current situation. The malleable “super majority” in the House will not have to contend with the Senate which will have less powers in the PDP proposal. 

Can the Duterte regime pull this off? They first have to contend with the Senate where the required three-fourths vote means the 5 opposition senators only have to secure two more votes to block a House proposal. PDP people say there’s a “gentleman’s agreement” between Senate President Pimentel and House Speaker Alvarez for separate voting. One should also not underestimate the incompetence of this regime.

To assure regime continuity, the 2019 election should already be in the new system. This means they should go through the House and Senate deliberations and hold a plebiscite to approve a new Constitution within one year. If the Senate opposition secures the no votes, the Duterte people will have to go to the Supreme Court. All these will take time. By early 2019, they will have difficulty controlling politicians who will be busy preparing for the May 2019 elections.

Is there still room for significant reform through charter change? The PDP proposal does not provide too much hope. – Rappler.com

Under normal circumstances, I would be the first to welcome the establishment of a revolutionary government. After all, the existing economic and political system really needs not just a reboot but an overhaul. To do this, what better way than through a government with broad and sweeping powers for reform?

But listening to President Duterte’s threat to impose a “revolutionary government” in order to thwart a “yellow-red conspiracy” against him is a totally different thing. 

A history of revolution

The Philippines has a long history of revolution. The mother of all revolutions was the 1896 revolution against Spain led by Andres Bonifacio and the Katipunan. When independence was won in 1898 but immediately revoked when the United States decided to take over Spain’s role as colonial master, remnants of the revolutionary government pursued the nationalist revolution until their death, arrest, or surrender to American or Philippine Constabulary troops.

It was the communists and the socialists who revived the fight in the 1930s, with the twin goals of defeating American imperialism and overthrowing the reactionary state of local ruling elites. When the Japanese invaded the Philippines in 1941, the merged communist and socialist parties under the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) established the Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon (Hukbalahap), which launched an effective guerrilla war against the Japanese invaders.

After the Japanese liberation and the nominal grant of independence by the US in 1946, the leftist Democratic Alliance won 6 seats in Congress. However, they were denied their seats in order for the Roxas administration to railroad the parity amendment giving equal rights to US citizens and corporations over our economy and natural resources.

By 1948, seeing the futility of the parliamentary struggle, the PKP took up arms against the government, transforming the Hukbalahap into the Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (HMB). The aim of that revolution was to fight US imperialism, overthrow the ruling system, and establish a socialist state. Hobbled by successive errors in its line, strategy, and tactics, the PKP-HMB became a spent force by the mid-60s.

It was the young turks led by Jose Maria Sison who re-established the PKP under the line of Maoism in 1968. A year later, he touched base with what was left of the HMB led by Dante Buscayno, and formed the New People’s Army (NPA). The new revolution had the triad goals of defeating US imperialism, ending domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

Proof of the revolutionary movement’s phenomenal growth was the establishment of the National Democratic Front in 1973. It is the CPP-NPA-NDFP that continues to espouse the cause of national liberation and social revolution to this day, with some of its breakaway groups advocating the same in one form or the other.

In other revolutions, former president Ferdinand Marcos imposed martial law in 1972 and launched his own “revolution from the center,” which aimed to build a “New Society” built on discipline and traditional Filipino values. We all know how that went. By 1986, the US-backed Marcos dictatorship’s widescale corruption, systemic plunder, and massive human rights atrocities had brought the country to its knees.

The People Power uprising in 1986 ushered in a US-backed revolutionary government under Cory Aquino, who left the CPP-NPA-NDF out in the cold despite its crucial role in fighting the US-Marcos dictatorship. Peace talks were initiated by Aquino but collapsed by early 1987, triggered by the Mendiola Massacre. 

In 2001, then president Joseph Estrada was ousted in another people power-type uprising. This time, his successor Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo took the constitutional route and shied away from revolution, opting instead to hold on to power and amass wealth for the next 9 years. It was business as usual for the politicians, the oligarchs, and foreign interests at the expense of the people.

By 2016, the country was ready for another upheaval in the form of Rodrigo Duterte, who staged the most dramatic come-from-behind presidential victories in Philippine history.

Duterte’s counter-revolution

To have a revolutionary government, you first need a revolution.

To be sure, Duterte aired his intention to form a revolutionary government as early as the 2016 presidential campaign, threatening to close down Congress and introduce reforms through extraconstitutional means. Knowing how sick the people had become of traditional politics, he became the anti-thesis of the mild-mannered, decent, elitist politician. He cursed in his speeches, flaunted his womanizing in public, threatened to kill people, wore lousy clothes, claimed to be poor, and repeatedly vowed to be the country’s first elected leftist and socialist president.

Upon winning, Duterte immediately resumed the peace talks with the CPP-NPA-NDFP, appointed 3 leftist leaders to his Cabinet, released key communist leaders from detention, denounced the US, and vowed to pursue an independent foreign policy. Thus, despite its reactionary character, the revolutionary movement led by the CPP-NPA-NDFP decided to constructively engage with the Duterte government. But it was a short-lived partnership.

At the heart of the collapse of President Duterte’s working relationship with the revolutionary movement was his failure to break free from his own reactionary politics and mindset. Any pretension of being a leftist and socialist quickly went out the door once he became President. What remained was the shrewd and cunning politico, the swashbuckling strongman from Davao, the corrupt and double-dealing public official.

Policy-wise, in came Oplan Tokhang and his failed war on drugs, Oplan Kapayapaan and its US-designed counterinsurgency program, martial law in Mindanao, his flip-flopping foreign policy, his free-trade neoliberal economic program, and the rise of the Davao Group. Out went the peace process, the progressives in the Cabinet, as well as the promises to end labor contractualization, reduce taxes, improve health care, crack down on corruption, and so on.

Under Duterte’s leadership, there is clearly no revolution. It’s actually more of the same, only worse. 

What Duterte ushered in was a rightist counter-revolution.

Today, when faced with growing criticism and resistance to his failed policies, Duterte resorts to imagining multi-colored conspiracies and calling off work and school to counter massive protests. He and his allies are desperately trying to undermine the system of checks and balances by attacking the Supreme Court, the Office of the Ombudsman, the Commission on Human Rights, as well as the political opposition, the critical press, and social media.

Having failed to suppress or dampen public dissent, Duterte is now threatening to throw everything away and establish a military-backed revolutionary government. The immediate aim is to concentrate all power in Duterte for him to address the threats to his presidency. 

But after that, what?

Let me take a guess: Oplan Double Barrel Reloaded Part III. The granting of big government contracts to Duterte’s own set of oligarchs and cronies. The takeover of syndicated corruption and criminal operations by the Davao Group. The total sellout of our economy and national patrimony via the removal of constitutional limits on foreign ownership of lands and businesses. Greater Chinese activity in the West Philippine Sea. The granting of more basing rights for American troops in the fight against ISIS and the communists. A federal system favorable to warlords and political dynasties.  

So yes, we need a revolution. A revolution against a fascist government like Duterte’s. – Rappler.com

In my previous piece I proposed that we need to rethink religious education so that it becomes a safe space. By that I meant that students must be able to ask questions that they would normally be afraid to in front of stern religious instructors.

Some of these questions are already familiar: Isn't truth just a matter of choice? Is religion necessary for a person to be good?

Isn't God ultimately beyond religion? What then do we make of other religious groups?

Implicit to these questions is the validity of religious claims. For some students, subscribing to a faith tradition is no longer viable. The big task of religious education therefore is far bigger than simply transmitting truth.

Sacred canopy

The eminent sociologist Peter Berger, who died recently, once characterized religion as a sacred canopy. Religion, with all its practices and beliefs, offers a coherent worldview based on which people could lead their lives comfortably.

The sacred canopy is what people take for granted: how to pray, what to believe, even what to eat and how to be buried. Religion provides life with a sense of order and meaning.

Problems arise though when that sacred canopy is faced with other worldviews. Science or other faith traditions could challenge its intellectual integrity.

Pluralism, in a manner of speaking, riddles the sacred canopy with holes.

There's no denying that pluralism is what characterizes our state of being today. There are many ways to approach pluralism but for the sake of brevity I will focus only on religious diversity.

Religious diversity

Philippine society is no longer as Catholic as it may have once been. It is true that the population is still predominantly Catholic. But we cannot also deny the visibility of other faith communities in our midst: Evangelicals, Pentecostals, Iglesia ni Cristo, and Muslims.

Religious diversification is, of course, a result of active proselytization. Missionaries – local and foreigners – are setting up congregations around the country. I bet you've seen those white men in white (read: Mormon men).

But at the same time, Philippine society is embedded in a globalized world where religious diversity is a fact of life. The Philippines is now home, for example, to young foreigners, many of whom are studying in our local universities. Indian, Korean, Japanese, and Chinese students bring with them their respective religious traditions. At the same time many OFWs convert and bring back their newfound faith to their respective families.

We are also exposed to a wide array of religious or spiritual worldviews, some of which arrive to us only implicitly. They infiltrate our lives through television shows, movies, novels, and celebrities themselves. If one thinks about it, Nadine Lustre's remark when asked whether she and James Reid were living in, is loaded with moral assumptions that challenge dominant religiosity: "Come on guys, it's 2017... Let's all be open-minded. That's what we need right now."

Philippine society is diverse. The influx of moral and religious worldviews is indisputable. Whether we admit it or not, this diversity has an impact on the way we think and behave.

And the classroom cannot escape this reality. In fact, the classroom today testifies to the diversity of religious beliefs and moral attitudes among students.

Tolerance?

In the classroom as in elsewhere we are confronted with people of other faiths and moral convictions. More often than not, we form our opinions based on what we think we know about them: their food, dress, practices, and prohibitions. These opinions are typically dichotomous: we are what they are not.

Now that is not good enough. Social life cannot go on blind to the religious and moral diversity that is taking shape in our society today. We thus need to be mindful of how our young people are taught.

We assume, for example, that tolerance is good. But how can we exercise tolerance if we do not know to begin with the basic convictions that underpin the moral and religious lives of other people?

Religious education must then brave new questions. What is one's faith's take on this diversity? How does one navigate moral complexity? Can other religions offer new life lessons?

That the world we inhabit is no longer homogeneous might be a problem for religious education. But that is also its opportunity.

The depth of one's faith, after all, is not tested in the afterlife. It needs to confront its biases and manifest its promises. Here. Now.  

We need to rethink religious education along these lines. – Rappler.com

Jayeel Cornelio, PhD is one of the 2017 Outstanding Young Scientists of the Philippines. He is the author of Being Catholic in the Contemporary Philippines: Young People Reinterpreting Religion (Routledge, 2016). With Manuel Sapitula and Mark Calano, he wrote the Senior High School worktext Introduction to World Religions and Belief Systems (published by Rex). You can find him on Twitter @jayeel_cornelio.

I have bipolar disorder. Like all good owners, it has kept me bubble-wrapped, as pristine as possible for its own purposes. Previously, attempts to escape this bubble were rewarded with threats – menacing voices that promised me no harm will come to those I love so long as I return.

They told me, “If you leave me, I will kill them. But if you really want to leave, you can only protect them if you take your life.” And so I did try – countless times.

The voice has never honored its words. During those times, when I regained my consciousness, the feelings of disappointment arose as it cackled that I would always belong to him – or her – or them, depending on who was on the foreground. (READ: How not to talk to a suicidal person) 

It goes way back 

Looking back, perhaps I should have sought treatment at an early age. I recall when I was in elementary I would place a knife under my pillow – a form of protection from what I do not know.

Perhaps my parents did not see that there was something wrong. I had always been a good student. I always graduated with honors at every level during my elementary and high school days.

During college, I graduated with a cum laude standing. Perhaps, if I paid attention, I would have known that there was something wrong way back then. There were times when I had a very short attention span. These were days of misery. During these times, I would hole up in my room. I would sleep continuously for several days. (READ: I have depression and it feels good to admit it)

I suppose everything went totally awry when I started to attend graduate school. I would only attend my classes during the first part of the semester. I did not attend these classes later on because there were times when I could not read. The letters would only dance in front of me. I did not take heed of these things too much.

At that time, I met and fell in love with my husband. I thought, maybe, these words danced because they mirrored my feelings. Looking back, it seemed that my mania took the form of always being with him. Nevertheless, he was my first and only romantic love. He brought stability and order to my world. He taught me discipline and focus. For this, I am grateful.

After meeting him, I performed well in my latter graduate classes – well enough to get good recommendations from my professors. I had taught before in other schools, but these recommendations bolstered my chances of teaching in the UP System.

The voices

It was during this time that I started to hear voices. I couldn’t attend my classes sometimes. I was afraid I would start talking to the voices. I was afraid my students would catch me in the act of talking to my then benign friends.

There came a time when I gave in. The voices would not let me sleep. They were always present. I could not eat. It took a lot of self-control not to ask my fellow passengers in jeepneys, vans, and busses why they were following me. To prevent them from tracing my destination, I would hop from one taxi to another. In malls, the loud speakers would air the voices. They were triumphant. They were able to find me. During this time, I could not take the voices anymore. I talked to my husband. I demanded that he brought me to my parents’ house. I sought treatment.

Although the initial treatment hushed the voices for a time. I realized too late that I was misdiagnosed. The initial diagnosis was major depressive disorder.

My initial doctors’ approach was to drug me to sleep whenever the voices returned. There was a time when I woke up from sleep as if my heart stopped beating. I refused to take my medicine until I went to a different doctor. It was this doctor who diagnosed me with bipolar disorder. The treatment worked. The voices subsided.

Nowadays, because I have been good, because I have accepted it, sometimes it entertains me with classical music. Only I can hear the soothing sounds of my private orchestra.

I dare not tell others about it. To tattle would lead to a return to the high dosage of my medication. Even worse, it may lead to another suggestion for my institutionalization. It is with this regard that writing this comes at a great risk to myself.

The medication robbed me of lucidity. It forced me to live in a fog-filled world where nothing seemed real. Perhaps, you conjure an image of floating, even jumping, in the clouds. It is very far from that. It is like walking in a dense mist after just being robbed of your mental faculties. I often laugh at the irony of this. To regain your self, you are first turned into someone devoid of self.

Fighting the stigma 

Sadly, it is not just the reduced awareness caused by the high dosage of medications that makes people such as myself devoid of self. It is for this reason that I write this.

Until now, there is a stigma attached to mental illness in the Philippines. For instance, I am not allowed to speak to others about my condition for it will bring shame to my parents. In their defense, my parents never explicitly mentioned that they are ashamed of my condition. But I can read between the lines.

The cloak of secrecy is not just meant to shield me from accusatory voices from without. It is also meant to shield them from external criticism. (READ: How does the PH fare in mental health care?) 

I suppose, I am one of the lucky ones. I only dread the shame, the ostracism, and the stigma associated with my condition. I am not chained to a post, untreated, left to deal with the voices alone. I am not locked in a room soiling myself after my father’s perverted rituals to rid me of my demonic infestation. I am not left to wander the streets seeing monsters in buildings, left to the mercy of the elements whether human or divine. Perhaps, I am one of the lucky ones. Perhaps, shame has not left me in a room chained, afraid to wander in a city of unfeeling monsters. (READ: Dealing with depression and anxiety: My saving graces) 

I write this to inform you – those of you who have been prevented from gaining themselves because of a vow of secrecy supposedly meant to protect you from the outside world – that there is no shame in our condition.

It is a biological condition like any other disease. You will only be possessed by demons if you refuse to acknowledge them, if you keep yourself wrapped up in an illusory protective bubble like I had.

Accept your condition. Do not feel shame in it. Continue your treatment. From there, regain the self that you have lost. I assure you, you will lose your self. But that is nothing to be frightened of. After all, the self is in continuous evolution. Apart from biological restrictions, you can shape it as you please.

I have bipolar disorder. It has owned me. Yet, now I own it. It is a part of me. I am free to be what I wish to be. – Rappler.com 

*Sofia Manlapaz is the pen name of a graduate student at the University of the Philippines-Diliman. Right now, she is actively pursuing research on the effects of mental illness on cognition. 

The Natasha Goulbourn Foundation has a depression and suicide prevention hotline to help those secretly suffering from depression. The numbers to call are 804-4673 and 0917-558-4673. Globe and TM subscribers may call the toll-free number 2919. More information is available on its website. It’s also on Twitter @NGFoundationPH and Facebook.

Costume ba problema mo?
Inggit naman ako sa 'yo!
Habang kayo'y nananakot,
Sa finals na ako yamot.
Tama na 'tong hocus pocus
Kailangan ko nang mag-focus-focus!

– Rappler.com

Artwork by Janina Malinis

Text by Marguerite de Leon

#FridayFeels is a cartoon series by the Rappler Creatives Team. Cathartic, light, but relevant, it's a welcome break from your heavy news feed! You can pitch illustration ideas by sending a message to the Rappler Facebook page.

No one wants to waste time responding to baseless accusations and obviously false statements because doing so dignifies them and might lend them credibility.  

So we will touch only lightly on Rigoberto Tiglao’s latest missive from the fever swamps of conspiracy theories and then, we hope like others who struggled to get to the end of his latest column, move back into the real world.

Mr Tiglao’s arguments are based not only on make-believe, they are also based on mind-boggling ignorance. One of the most obvious howlers is Mr Tiglao’s jaw-dropping statement that Russia “really has been [Ukraine’s] brother country.”

Brother country? Really?

It would appear that Mr Tiglao missed the annexation of Crimea.

Perhaps he might also want to read Red Famine, Stalin’s War on Ukraine, a brilliant new book reporting on the Soviet-induced famine that starved almost 4 million Ukrainians to death.

Also, it's always a signal that someone is just making stuff up when there's an unsupported statement that someone “reportedly” felt, did, or was motivated by something.  

What this usually means is that there is absolutely no evidence to support what has “reportedly” happened. And so Mr Tiglao’s arguments and attacks are built on so many “reportedly” statements that when you take out these fictional statements there really is nothing left to his arguments.

But never let it be said that Mr Tiglao never gets any facts right. (READ: Tiglao's fake news)

He does recognize that Rappler’s logo is orangish (he says ochre), and compares that with a Ukrainian media website, which appears to have used a similar shade.  

Of course, he might further point out that most of the words on Rappler.com are in black type, which is similar to the words that appear on the New York Times, Le Monde, El Pais, Nikkei, and other websites. That must be a conspiracy, surely.  (Though we must confess that even when the Soviet Union was at its most virulent, we never stopped eating red apples because they shared a color scheme with the Soviet flag.)

And finally, our favorite “reportedly,” that Maria Ressa, the founder of Rappler, “reportedly knew little about the internet” when she started a purely digital news organization. Now surely this is true in the sense that Ms Ressa isn’t an expert in writing javascript or HTML codes, but we feel pretty sure that Mr Tiglao wasn’t attacking her coding expertise. (READ: Debunking lies about Rappler)

What Ms Ressa did see, and still does, is the power of the internet to deliver fair, useful, and effective news on politics, fashion, sports, culture, and the world in powerful ways. (READ: The Rappler story: Independent journalism with impact)

It’s a shame that Mr Tiglao, rather than embracing Rappler’s success at doing just that, seems obsessed with attacking its independent voice based on make-believe “facts” and fatuous arguments. – Rappler.com

An increasingly anxious discussion goes on about how far Rodrigo Duterte intends to go with his presidential powers, but it seems poorly focused.  

Given what he has managed to do within just over a year with those powers, and still threatens to do with them, there’s no telling where he will stop. Perhaps the more pertinent and useful question is, What will stop him?

For sure, alone, Duterte cannot do what he wants. But that provides scarce consolation. With good numbers at the polls — a high numerical majority, in fact — how could he feel alone? With the laughs he gets for his crude utterances as a validation, why shouldn’t he dish out more and more of them?

But tasteless theater is the least of our worries. What he has done truly horrifically is to get the institutions expected  precisely to restrain him – Congress and the judiciary – to play along. They, in fact, look more like colluders than restrainers.

An egregious case involves Senator Leila de Lima. She has languished in jail for 8 months now, victim of presidential vendetta. All Duterte had to do was mark her – for daring to investigate him for death-squad murders during his autocratic mayoralty of Davao City. Her investigation started when she was chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights and he mayor, and it continued when she became senator and he president. Confessed assassins have testified against him.  

De Lima herself is accused of dealing in illegal drugs. The case was cooked in Congress without any concrete evidence and almost entirely on the testimonies of life-term convicts herded by Duterte’s justice secretary, himself the penitentiary’s chief boss; yet, for all the hallmarks of conspiracy and concoctions, the Supreme Court found everything regular and denied de Lima such basic humanitarian gesture as it was only to quick to grant far less deserving beneficiaries – bail for temporary freedom.

In other cases, Duterte needs only his police to do his bidding, such as in his war against drugs, which has taken thousands of lives and given rise to widespread accusations of extrajudicial killings (EJK, in the more popular reference).

Possibly feeling confident that it is time he made his big push toward authoritarianism, a goal he has made no secret of from the start, he now warns about it more often and sternly; he also says he prefers a revolutionary government to a martial-law dictatorship. As if a choice is offered and one offer might be more palatable than the other, the debate inspired by Duterte’s threat seems, strangely, framed by questions like, Which is the more justifiable emergency? Is any emergency justifiable at all?    

These questions seem to me to betray a sense of denial, if not a sense of resignation or defeat or some inclination toward compromise. Is it because the nation has been put in a situation so desperate the armed forces are its only hope and, having so far generally shown obedience to their commander in chief, these armed forces hardly inspire hope?

Realistically, the military, indeed, is the ultimate swing force, and Duterte knows it. That he has not pushed as much as he does reflects his own doubts about the measure of military support he had; that he’s now pushing ever harder might have to do with Marawi.

To Duterte, Marawi may well have been the supreme test of comradeship between him and his soldiers. They followed him to battle, and on to victory. Never mind the suspicions that he had himself provoked the confrontation, never mind the colossal cost it has exacted in lives and resources and continues to exact in prolonged suffering. As a military objective, Marawi should have been easy enough to justify in the context of the long-festering conflict between the central government and Muslim Mindanao and the more recent worldwide complication of Islamic terrorism.

But a revolutionary government? That is the ends of the earth. If they follow Duterte that far, the armed forces will be throwing away their finest moment, their moment of redemption, achieved in 1986 when they recommitted themselves to democracy as the Armed Forces of the Filipino People and, along with them, booted out the dictator.

They follow Duterte that far, and they will find themselves back in their moment of ignominy, back in 1972, when they strung along that same dictator, the very same one Duterte professes to idolize. – Rappler.com

A friend jokingly shared his dismay over seeing Whang Od at the Manila FAME, cordoned off and tattooing.

He tells me that it's just like the 1904 Philippine Exposition at St. Louis during the World’s Fair, only this time for millennials, and that there is a long line of people waiting to get their tattoos done. The old woman is likely just here drawing crowds, being on display with her companions doing most of the work.

I was thrilled to see that she finally met Coco Martin. I thought it was also nice that she was invited to come over – but I didn't realize she would be put to work. What a shame, DTI-CITEM. At the very least, she gets to charge the amount she wants for the effort she puts in.

Commodification of culture

I'm no longer surprised by how we commodify culture or use our indigenous peoples as our edge in business, proving that we are capable of "innovation." No use debating it either because at the end of the day – and this has been going on for years anyway – people will still "market" Whang-Od as the last remaining mambabatok and feed off that imagined reality. 

She will forever be 90 to 100 years old no matter the passing of time and our ability to confirm her age. People will still line-up whether here or in Buscalan for a tattoo they will likely bargain for and dictate the design of their tattoo. People will still ask that they be tattooed with alibata characters even if the writing was not universally used across our islands and is likely confounding for the Butbuts of Kalinga. (READ: VIRAL: Declare known Igorot tattooer a National Artist)

The Kalinga province will still use the excitement of her fame to draw its visitors. The state will want to own her, to capitalize on cultural capital that we will all be forced to agree on monetizing in the name of nationalism, even if the Kalingas and the rest of the Igorots have been independent forever. (READ: Indelible moments with Whang Od, a living legend)

I used to hold a fervent dismay against the 1987 Atlantic article by James Fallows called, A Damaged Culture.

Keeping the hope 

These days, I read his words with the same numbness I had when I got my first tattoo from Whang Od. She hits once, you bleed, and then she continues until the adrenaline anesthesizes you. Of course, she is creating something beautiful against the canvas of your skin to conform with the curves of your body. Meanwhile, this heartbreaking numbness is more akin to the idiomatic horse having been beaten to the death.

Ours is a damaged culture, one that rots from the core, a house seemingly propped up but made brittle and devoured by termites. I used to think that the damaged years were behind us – that somehow, having been born in 1988, I might have come at a more opportune moment. Only now is it occurring to me that the extent of the damage is great and it's likely that the destruction is still ongoing.

The sooner I accept, the less heartbroken I am.

But because I believe in us, I will grieve a bit. We are chipping away at our soul as a nation. Soon we will lose it, if we haven't already. I console myself only by thinking of the far-flung areas in these isles where many would never go, where I often feel rooted and at ease, but also surprised by our cosmopolitan nature.

I see these places, meet our people, and feel a genuine sense of freedom and independence. If not for our free peoples in the margins, I would have given up entirely. – Rappler.com 

Nash Tysmans is a Filipino writer, teacher, and community worker

Hindi maganda ang track-record ng PIlipinas sa rehabilitasyon.

Setyembre 2013. Tumagal lamang ang Zambaonga siege nang 20 araw nguni't 120,000 ang naging internally displaced persons o IDPs at 191 ang namatay. Ang di alam ng marami, mas maraming namatay sa evacuation centers: 218. 

HIndi sila namatay sa bala, mortar, bomba, o pagkaguho ng tirahan. Namatay ang 218 sa diarrhea, pneumonia, dehydration, at “pinaghihinalaang” measles. Marami sa kanila ay musmos.

Target ng gobyernong mailipat sa mas ligtas na transistonal shelters ang lahat ng refugee ng sigalot ng Zamboanga, nguni't pagsapit ng Disyembre 2014, nasa 7,000 tao pa rin ang nasa temporary shelters at tents.

Nobyembre 2013. Tumama ang Super Typhoon Haiyan o Yolanda sa Tacloban. Nasa 16 million ang apektado ng pinakanakamamatay na bagyo sa kasaysayan. 6,300 ang namatay dahil kay Yolanda. 

Pagsapit ng June 2016, sa 205,128 housing units na tinarget ng National Housing Authority, tanging 2,287 pa lang ang nai-turn over sa mga pamilya.

Pagsapit ng Nobyembre 2016, 3 taong nakalipas ang Haiyan, naantala pa rin ang lipat ng mga lagalag na pamilya, habang kulang o walang tubig at kuryente sa mga relocation sites. Pero pinakamalaking problema sa lilipatan ang kabuhayan. Nasa 2,500 pa lamang ang nai-resettle.

Fast forward sa Marawi.359,680 ang nawalan ng tahanan dahil sa giyera ng Marawi. May bago nang administrasyon at iba na ang namumuno.

Binuo ni Presidente Rodrigo Duterte ang inter-agency task force na Bangon Marawi na tututok sa recovery, reconstruction, at rehabilitation ng siyudad. Paano muling bubuhayin ang siyudad na animo’y tinamaan ng nuclear bomb? 

"Tutulungan ko kayo. Huwag kayong mag-alala. Tutulungan ko kayo hanggang relocation. And then, we will rehabilitate ang Marawi. Gaganda iyon ulit," pangako ni Pangulong Duterte sa mga bakwit na nasa evacuation centers ng Iligan.

Ayon sa United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA), kakaiba ang displacement ng mga taga-Marawi. Tinatantiyang 90% ng mga napaalis ng tahanan ay nakikitira sa mga kaibigan at kamag-anak. Habang 'di hamak na mabuti ito kaysa manatili sa evacuation centers, matindi rin ang epekto nito sa mga host families. 

Dalawang isyu ang matingkad sa karanasan ng Pilipinas sa mga disaster at giyera: kakapusan sa kahusayan at kasalatan sa integridad. Wala itong kinalaman sa kulay ng pamunuan – sakit ito ng lahat ng nakalipas na administrasyon.

Sa kabilang banda, tadtad ang sistema ng butas para gamitin ng mga korapt na empleyado ng gobyerno, kontraktor, at middleman.

Nananawagan kami sa gobyernong gawing transparent ang lahat ng hakbang sa rehabilitasyon ng Marawi, lalo na’t bumabaha ng pondong maaaring umabot ng P5 bilyon.

Kayanin kaya ni Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana at Public Works and Highways Secretary Mark Villar ang hamon ng Marawi?

Ayon sa isang pag-aaral ng United Nations, sa 204 na bansang kasama sa pag-aaral, panlima ang Pilipino sa pinaka-nanganganib na mawalan ng tahanan dahil sa disaster. Kaya pinakamainam na 'di na maulit ang kapalpakan ng Zamboanga at Tacloban rehabilitation dahil tiyak na marami pang disaster – natural man or kagagawan ng tao – na dadalaw sa Pilipinas.

Gaano katagal pa bang magtitiis ang mga bakwit na 5 buwan nang hirap na hirap sa tent structures?

Matunton kaya ni Lorenzana at Villar ang pinakamainam na sistemang maghahatid ng pagbangon sa siyudad ng Marawi? Mai-deliver kaya ang pinangakong ayuda sa takdang panahon 'di tulad ng Zamboanga at Tacloban? Ika nga, aanhin pa ang damo kung patay na ang kabayo? 

May tubig, kuryente, at kabuhayan bang mapagsisisimulan ang mga lilipat sa relocation sites? Paano ang mga may kayang may babalikang lupa nguni't durog-durog na ang kabahayan?

Mapigilan kaya ng task force ang paglaganap ng prostitusyon at recruitment para sa human trafficking na karaniwang sumusulpot sa mga lugar na hitik sa trahedya?

Maudlot kaya ng task force ang napakalaking panganib ng alienation at radicalization ng mga kabataan ng Marawi na naging biktima ng giyera?

Masawata kaya nila ang mga padded costs, substandard materials at hocus-pocus sa ganitong malawakang galaw ng pera, kagamitan, at construction materials?

Sa madaling salita, magagawa kaya nilang idiot-proof at corruption-proof ang rehabilitasyon? Sana'y tandaan: nagmamasid ang mga buwitre. – Rappler.com

Heto na. Dumating na tayo sa isang sitwasyong ikinakatakot ng lahat ng guro mula sa mga nagtuturo ng Grade 1 hanggang sa mga nagtuturo sa mga programang pang-doktorado.

Dumating na tayo sa isang sitwasyon kung saan tila hindi na nakikita ng mga mamamayan ang pinagkaiba ng datos o facts sa opinyon o pananaw.

Lahat naman ay may opinyon. May mga opinyong nagsasabi lamang ng kagustuhan ng tao. Halimbawa, “kampi ako sa UP basketball team” o di kaya'y “kampi ako sa La Salle”.

Sa mga ganitong bagay madalas magkasalungat ang opinyon o kagustuhan ng mga tao. Nguni’t dahil opinyon lamang ito, hindi natin minumura o binabantaan ang mga hindi sumasang-ayon sa atin. Sa totoo lang, mahalaga sa isang lipunan na marami at magkakasalungat ang mga opinyon.

Sino naman ang matutuwa sa UAAP kung lahat na lang ay kampi sa isang koponan? At kahit magkasalungat ang opinyon, walang may karapatang tawagin ang kahit sino na “biased”. Kahit ang mga taga-UP ay natural na kakampi sa UP at ang mga taga-De La Salle University naman ay natural na kakampi sa team nito; hindi natin kinaiinisan ang bias ng bawa’t isa.

Nguni’t iba ang datos o facts. Halimbawa: “ang UP ay may men’s basketball team.” Hindi ito opinyon lamang, ito’y katotohanan. Napakaraming patunay na may men’s basketball team ang UP.  Maaring napanood ng marami ang tagumpay ng UP sa La Salle nang huli silang nagtalo sa UAAP. Maaring kaibigan mo ang isang miyembro. Maaring nakasabay mo sila sa gym. Hindi naman dapat pagtalunan ang isang bagay na mapapatunayan. Baliw lamang ang makikipagtalo sa katotohanan.

Mahalaga ding nakabatay sa datos ang mga opinyon. Halimbawa, mahirap naman kumampi sa basketball team ng Wanbol University. Walang ganoon.

Higit na mahalaga na ibatay natin sa datos ang mga opinyong hindi lamang nagsasaad ng ating kagustuhan nguni’t nagbibigay ng assessment sa isang pangyayari o bagay. Halimbawa, "UP is da best basketbol team in da universe”. O di kaya'y “bopol ang basketbol team ng La Salle”.

Paano natin susuriin ang dalawang opinyon na ito? Dapat mangalap tayo ng datos. Ang huling championship ng UP senior men’s basketball team sa UAAP ay noong 1986. Ang De La Salle University naman ang defending champions at walo na ang championship nila mula 1986 nang mag-champion ang UP. Malinaw na ang dalawang opinyon ay mali. Ang tamang opinyon ay magaling ang basketball team ng De La Salle kaysa sa UP.

Kasinungalingan at bias

Kung sasabihin ko ngayon na ang UP ang kasalukuyang defending champion, sinungaling ako. Dapat galit tayo sa sinungaling sapagka’t kapag binigyan tayo ng pekeng impormasyon at pinaniwalaan natin ito, malilihis tayo sa katotohanan. Napakatindi ng maaaring epekto ng pagsisinungaling. Halimbawa, kung sabihin ko sa inyo bilang doktor na walang mikrobyo sa tubig kahit na mayroon pala, maaaring inumin ninyo ito at ikamatay.

Kung ipagpipilitan ko na magaling ang UP dahil lamang taga-UP ako at kampi ako sa UP basketball team, dito pumapasok ang bias. Nguni’t kung sasabihin ng mga taga La Salle na magaling ang basketball team nila, kahit taga La Salle pa sila, hindi ito biased. Hindi ko sila puwedeng tawaging "biased" dahil lang kampi ako sa UP. Hindi natin dapat tawaging biased ang sinuman kung salungat ang paniniwala o kagustuhan sa atin, lalo na kung batay sa datos ang kanilang opinyon.

Kapag naiintindihan ng bayan ang pagkakaiba-iba ng datos, opinyon tungkol sa personal na kagustuhan, at opinyon na batay sa datos, walang lugar ang pagmumurahan dahil lamang nagbibigay ng datos ang isang tao o may pagkakaiba ng kagustuhan. Hindi rin dapat magmurahan kung sa tingin mo'y hindi batay sa katotohanan ang opinyon ng isang tao. Kung may mumurahin man, ito 'yung mga sinungaling. O di kaya, dapat murahin 'yung mga taong walang pakialam kung batay sa datos o hindi ang sinasabi nila.

Sa isang demokrasya, karapatan, kaligayahan, at tungkulin ng mga taong magpalitan ng impormasyon at kuro-kuro. Sa ganitong paraan nasisigurong nakabatay sa maayos na paniniwalang batay sa katotohanan ang mga desisyon natin bilang indibidwal at bilang isang lipunan. May karapatan ang bawa’t isa sa kanya-kanyang opinyon, mali man o tama ito. Nguni’t may kalakip na responsibilidad ang bawa’t karapatan. At tungkulin nating lumahok sa talakayan, itaya ang paniniwala, at baguhin ito kung kailangan.

Fake news

Ikinalulungkot ko na sa mga diskusyon ngayon sa social media, tila hindi na marunong mag-isip nang tama ang mga tao Halo-halo na ang opinyon, datos, pekeng impormasyon at kampihan. Ang fake news ay kinukunsinti, pinaninindigan at ikinakalat. Ang magsabi ng katotohanan na labag sa kagustuhan ng iba ay tinatawag na “biased".

Kapag nagbigay ang isang tao ng opinyong salungat sa opinyon ng iba, binibigyan siya kaagad ng masamang motibo. At higit sa lahat, kapag halatang-halata na, na hindi makatotohanan o lohikal ang sinasabi ng isang tao, dinedepensahan niya ang sarili. Sinasabi niyang “I have a right to my opinion” sa halip na amining mali siya at babaguhin ang kanyang pananaw.

Halimbawa, dapat magalit ang lahat sa fake news na si VP Leni Robredo ay buntis. Natutuwa man o galit tayo sa kanya, hindi katanggap-tanggap ang ganitong pagsisinungaling. Lalo na tayong dapat magalit sa mga taong hindi lang minsan, nguni’t ilang beses nang napatutunayang nagsisinungaling. At higit pa tayong dapat mainis kung binabayaran ng ating buwis ang suweldo ng mga taong lumalason sa kaisipan ng mamamayan sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay ng maling impormasyon.

Nguni’t sa mga panahong ito, kahit peke ang balita, basta ito’y nakasisira sa kaaway o nakatutulong sa kinakampihan, kinabibiliban pa natin ang sinungaling.

Sa kabilang banda, kapag nagbibigay ang isang tao, manunulat, o journalist ng ulat tungkol sa kapalpakan ng isang pulitikong kinakampihan ng iba, biased daw 'yun, kahit makatotohanan naman ang sinasabi. Madalas ang nagsasabi ng tama ang siyang tinatawag na sinungaling.

Kapag nagbigay ng opinyon ang isang tao na salungat sa opinyon ng iba, mura lang ang aabutin. Nagbabasa ako ng pagtatalo sa social media upang matuto. Upang makumbinsi ako na mali ako. Nguni’t hindi ako makatagal sapagka’t madalas, para lamang akong nagbabasa ng basura. At wala akong nababasang dahilan upang magpalit ng aking pananaw.

Hindi ito kampihan lang

Hindi puwedeng maliitin ang kapalaran ng ating bayan na para lamang pumipili tayo ng papanigan sa basketball. Ang die-hard na salita ay ginagamit para sa mga sports fans. Hindi siya bagay sa mga taong pumapanig sa isang lider, gaano man kalaki ang pagtitiwala sa kanya. Hindi dapat awayin o murahin ang sinumang may ibang pinapanigan. Hindi dapat bantaan ang mga taong pumupuna sa lider na gusto mo. Hindi naman “dahil trip ko lang” ang dapat na sagot kapag tinanong ka kung bakit mo gusto ang isang pulitiko o lider.

Puwede yun sa basketball, hindi sa bayan. At kahit ang mga malalalim na afficionado ng basketball ang magsasabi na higit na nakatutulong sa pag-intindi ng isang sport ang masusing pagsusuri batay sa datos.

Kahit kampi ka sa De La Salle, mainam pa rin na malaman mo kung ano ang lakas at hina ng iyong team. Sa halip na magalit sa taga-UP kapag sinabi niyang kulang kayo ng mahusay na sentro, maari namang tanggapin ang puna. Malay mo, makinig ang coach ng team ninyo at kumuha ng magaling na sentro.

Ang aktibong partisipasyon ng mamamayan sa pamamalakad ng gobyerno ang susi sa kasaganaan at kapayapaang hinahangad nating lahat. Ang tunay na kaaway ay 'yung mga nagkakalat ng maling impormasyon, 'yung mga nagmumura sa mga may ibang opinyon, 'yung mga humahadlang sa malayang pagpapalitan ng mga opinyong makatotohanan.

Kung nagmumura ka, kung pinaniniwalaan mo at ipinapasa ang pekeng balita, at kung hinahanapan mo ng masamang motibo ang lahat ng hindi bumabagay sa iyong kaisipan, hindi mo ginagawa ang tungkulin mo bilang mamamayan. – Rappler.com

Si Sylvia Estrada Claudio ay isang doktor ng medisina at doktorado ng sikolohiya. Siya ay propesor ng Departamento ng Aralin ng Kababaihan at Kaunlaran sa Kolehiyo ng Gawaing Panlipunan at Pagpauunlad ng Pamayanan, Unibersidad ng Pilipinas.

I can't understand the current noise over the fact that the famous Kalinga tattoo maker, Whang-od, was in a trade event in Manila.

Since I've started researching on the Dominican presence in the Cordilleras, I have visited the territory several times and I have been in Kalinga twice.

During my second visit, I took a jeepney in Tabuk to get into the heart of Kalinga. After 3 hours of travel on bad roads that give you a view of incredible landscapes, I arrived in a small village called Luplupa.

I stayed in a simple inn ran by a German with his Kalinga wife. He was a very cheerful and welcoming man. He was distributing free rice to poor people who had been affected by the scarce harvest. He introduced me to Victor Baculi, a 60-year-old funny and energetic man who used to be the barangay captain. The old man made some money by touring travelers like me. I suggested that we visit other areas near Luplupa, but he explained that it was not possible because there was a tribal war.'

I asked if the police don't do anything, and he told me that in Kalinga, native rules come first. Then I suggested to go to far villages that are open to tourists, thinking that I could meet Kalinga people living in a more traditional way.

“No way, Jorge, NPA people are there. Do you know the meaning of NPA? No Permanent Address!” he quipped.

After making the joke, he told me to go to Buscalan and see Whang-od instead. I was actually looking for people who knew about native epic songs, but he promised me that I would enjoy the walk.

And I did. After a short jeepney ride and a 40-minute walk, I arrived in a very beautiful village with very well-preserved wooden architecture and surrounded by outstanding rice terraces. I was invited to witness the traditional wedding of a young American soldier and a native woman. 

At the end of the path leading to Buscalan, I saw 3 huge and expensive off-road vehicles, one of which had broken windows.

There were Manileños arriving almost every day in order to get a precious tattoo from Whang-od. Prices were not cheap but very affordable considering that she was – as I was told several times – the last woman who gave tattoos to Kalinga warriors. (READ: Whang Od's newphew: 'She enjoyed the Manila visit but...') 

I was offered to get a tattoo, but I declined. It's not only because I don't like to have skin tattoos. I also consider it as the height of snobbery to get a traditional tattoo that used to be the pride of Kalinga warriors.

Those tattoos are extremely beautiful, authentic, and carved following the traditional way. But I find those tattoos printed in outsiders’ skins devoid of all the strength and symbolism that they used to keep, and transformed into another commodity that tourists could purchase. (READ: Whang-od not 'exploited,' says Manila FAME organizers)

And this is the core of the question: from the very moment Whang-od freely decided to make traditional tattoos for outsiders and foreigners in exchange for money, she radically changed the meaning and essence of a secular Kalinga ritual.

It is she who consciously transformed a tradition into a for-sale activity, and not without a substantial monetary benefit. I was told she was one of the wealthiest person in Buscalan; and the reason for the broken car I saw on the road were envious villagers who did not like the presence of tourists.  

So, the fact is that Whang-od came to Manila to do what she actually does every day – except during harvest time, as I was told – in Buscalan: commodifying her culture. 

And there is no point in comparing her presence in Manila FAME with other outrageous exhibitions like the ones held in Madrid in 1887 or St. Louis in 1904, where indigenous peoples from Cordillera were exhibited as exotic specimens.

Whang-od went voluntarily, signing a contract – hopefully good for her own interests – because she knew there are many people willing to have her art on their skin.

Claiming that she is being exploited is like regarding the Cordilleran culture and their people in the most condescending and paternalistic way. As if the Kalinga people – or Whang-od, in this case – are stupid or don't realize the decisions they are taking. As if they are victims of spurious interests. It is not the case.

It's time for outsiders – especially Manileños and foreigners – to stop seeing native Philippine cultures, the ones that are still somehow preserved, as something ecstatic and romantic, as an essence of lost authenticity. The ones doing so are the same who go to  get a tattoo in Kalinga, parting with their disposable income and, supposedly, corrupting their culture with their money.

More importantly, nobody asked her opinion about this matter. Talking on behalf of the natives without giving them the right to speak out on what they think and what they want for their lives is precisely the same mental framework that justified colonialism. To look at them as our equals and to respect their decisions are to provide the full acceptance and dignity they deserve. – Rappler.com 

Jorge Mojarro has lived in the Philippines since 2009. He holds a PhD in Philippine Colonial Literature, teaches Spanish language and culture at the Instituto Cervantes de Manila, and conducts research for the University of Santo Tomas. He is a self-proclaimed lover of Philippine gastronomy.

I was in Aparri, Cagayan when Apo Whang-od was brought to the Manila FAME to "perform" a tattoo demontration, speak in a panel, and to attend the announcement of her nomination to the GAMABA (Gawad ng Manlilikha ng Bayan or the National Living Treasure Award), which reportedly was accepted by the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) last October 21.

I was also invited by the organizers to be in a panel, but declined. When I returned, I was bombarded with articles that she was “exploited” reminiscent of the 1904 St Louis Exposition, and on the other, that she “fully enjoyed” her stay in Manila and back in Buscalan.

Examining both sides of the story, I was also alarmed that I received messages on why I am I not doing anything despite the many accolades I received from conducting research on Kalinga tattoos (that is certainly unwarranted), but nevertheless, I am confounded. Here are some thoughts.

Was she exploited? 

Did we ever ask Apo Whang-od directly or personally if she was indeed “exploited”? What did she think of the event? I have asked Apo Whang-od many times in my previous research and many visits to the village, if she likes what she is doing, most especially with the influx of tourists coming in to get tattoos. 

I usually get a reply that “she loves what she is doing, and she will tattoo as much as she can, as long as her eyes can see.” She is also a good-natured person (to the point of being misled), and she would accommodate this in full-energy like what a Butbut-Kalinga woman would do.

With the unfolding of events before our eyes, who are we to deny these things to her: the opportunity to travel and to see other places (like Manila), to earn more (reportedly a take home of P800,000 for her appearance and demos), and to meet people (like Coco Martin) and to ride on with each other’s popularity. 

Apo Whang-od is also a human being, already a cultural icon. Some would see her as a goddess on a pedestal, but like any other person, she also has her own agency. It is “us” (our outsider’s view, our “othering,” our etic perspective) that gives this ideological interpretation that it was unfair, unjust, and exploitative in nature, but did we ask her?

To the organizers of the event, it is a most admirable act to bring in the centenarian Apo Whang-od on board with all the resources and logistics all set, but I hope that you planned and curated the show well. With the tattoo practitioners on cordon, you made them look like “public performers for a fee” (“tattoo for a fee”) which could have been more interactive, and not exclusive. 

We could honor Apo Whang-od and her craft in a most respectable way and for a rare occasion such as this, a fitting tribute should be perfectly fine, moreso, to listen to Apo Whang-od’s voice, her thoughts and her stories with the proper translation from her Butbut language to Filipino or English (most of the attendees have an English twang).

But having to tattoo from 8 am to 4 pm for the event and have a "piece" of her is way too much, there should be a limit for this tattoo demonstrations. How is this setting different when she tattoos in Buscalan with more than hundreds of visits per day and the many people in queue to get inked by her?

She has proven herself well, with the beautiful human canvass she produced for years when she started tattooing in her home village up to now. Of course, Apo Whang-od as I know her, would insist to tattoo, because this is what is expected of her. She would tell me that she is always “naontog” (strong), but her age and health is an issue that we should be conscious of the need to conserve and preserve her energy.

She also talks of "chayaw" (or praise and honor for the Kalinga) and to live by these expectations. Miscommunication or blocking of communication is also rife in the event, between Apo Whang-od to the organizers, and to the people that flocked to her to get tattoos. Did we talk to her? And how does she feel? She left Manila with all smiles and waved heartily as she boarded the helicopter back to Buscalan, how does she really feel? For all I know, she would say "I did it!" to cap the "high" expectations from her. 

Pollution of culture?

We should not be a “romantic anthropologist” when we view culture as something that is “pure,” “traditional” or “pristine.” Kalinga tattoos also evolve, never static and always dynamic. It also goes with the flow of modernity. Like the people, the tattoos also go through the process of inevitable change.

But what I implore is to have this sensibility and sensitivity to culture, and to respect the practitioners of the tradition, whether Apo Whang-od is in Buscalan or elsewhere. Respect is of utmost importance here. Why do people get tattoos from Whang-od? Because people buy the story behind the tattoos: the rarity of designs, the technique and the stature of Whang-od as the “last, oldest tattoo artist” ascribed by popular media.

With the popularity of tattoos nowadays, and with the (sh)/fame in the Manila event, we could observe that we could talk now of appearing cultures instead, rather than disappearing cultures, and the tattooing culture is revived.

The events also help us erase the pejorative notion of tattoos whether that is traditional or not. Today, we have the younger generation of tattoo practitioners: Grace Palicas, Elyang Wigan (and others, plus recently the youngest 12-year-old tattoo artist), and Den Wigan – who have seriously taken on their hands the handtapping tattoo. Is this not worth celebrating for as well as we are assured of the continuity of a tattoo tradition? 

The context of traditional tattoos was different in the past when these tattoos were place-based rituals and a collective practice for the Kalinga. The motivations for getting tattoos now have become more personal, to make permanent the individual experiences of the people whether you are diasporic Filipinos, urban or foreign tourists coming in to get inked from the village, or in the Manila FAME event.

Nomination of Apo Whang-od to the GAMABA

For those strongly advocating for the nomination of Apo Whang-od to become a National Living Treasure (Take note: this is different from the National Artist Awards), I have no objections. But let us peruse the guidelines carefully and understand it well.

For anyone nominated to the Gawad sa Manlilikha ng Bayan Awards or  GAMABA, the cultural practitioner should continue to practice her craft and not to earn profit from it.

Apo Whang-od is in a precarious situation because although she continues to tap the traditional way, she earns by tattooing tourists. Unless the NCCA praise committee makes an exemption, we still have to await for their decision. Whatever the results are, we also need to respect the decision.

With the many events unfolding in our eyes, what we see now is a greater appreciation of the young to traditional tattoos (which is good, but also have a downside in Buscalan, this is for another discussion).

With Whang-od’s tattoos now a popular brand, it is so addictive that you can’t stop and must die hard to have it. For me, I am content with the sight of her, and to hear her tapping, and not aggressively want to be inked by her. I also respect the many people who refused to get tattoos and be part of commodification of culture. Kudos!

We can celebrate Apo Whang-od and her craft in a most honorable and respectable way, but not in a circus such as what we all have witnessed. But for Apo Whang-od, it could be one of her memorable experiences as long as she lives, and surely it will be retold. Manjamanak!

Analyn Salvador-Amores, an alumna of the University of the Philipines Diliman and Oxford University, authored the award-winning book "Tapping Ink, Tattooing Identities: Tradition and Modernity in Contemporary Kalinga Society" (UP Press, 2013). She is an associate professor of social anthropology at UP Baguio and the director of the Museo Kordilyera, the university's Ethnographic Museum. 

Remember, remember, the month of November

So many vacations galore

It feels like you're dropping your workload forever

But when work does comes back, what a chore! 

Artwork by Alyssa Arizabal
Text by Marguerite de Leon

#FridayFeels is a cartoon series by the Rappler Creatives Team. Cathartic, light, but relevant, it's a welcome break from your heavy news feed! You can pitch illustration ideas by sending a message to the Rappler Facebook page.