The title of this opinion piece pretty much sums up what I think of Mr Yap’s article. I could leave it at that and call it a day, but there are many things Mr Yap brings up in his article that are in desperate need of addressing.

“Predictably a lot of people went crazy…”

“The answer is simple, provided that you have the intellectual capacity and the maturity to look at it objectively.”

First off, this is really just a cheap self-serving trick to make the arguments that he is presenting appear as “intellectual,” “mature,” and “objective.” Characterizing arguments as such does not automatically make them so, just as characterizing netizen reactions as “crazy” does not make them so.

Second, an argument is only as good as how well it's founded on facts and evidence. And while Mr Yap provides us with many facts, he leaves out quite a bit of facts and evidence that severely weigh against his proposition.

“Situate the analysis of his accomplishments in a vacuum and assess it objectively.”

That is a glaring problem right there. No person acts within a vacuum. Least of all a son of a dictator who, by his statements and actions, has shown us that he is interested in one thing: sanitizing the name of his father and that of his family. We shall see more of this later.

“Take a look at but a small sample of what he has done in the 16th Congress alone.”

I find it bizarre that Mr Yap would point to pending bills as “achievements,” when Marcos Jr has, in fact, authored and passed a law – the one postponing the SK elections. Perhaps, the idea of depriving the youth of their representation in local government doesn’t ring quite as loudly as the subjects of Marcos Jr’s other pending bills? Perhaps this is the same reason that Mr Yap left out the fact that Marcos Jr is one of the co-authors of the much-maligned Cybercrime Prevention Act?

“Basically, most any argument that would be hurled against Senator Marcos would be ad hominem.”

We’ll see.

“Let’s preface the discussion with the hashtag #neveragain. What does this mean? It’s not a complete sentence. It’s a phrase. Let’s fill in the blanks.”

What comes after this sentence is long and winding conjecture, with Mr Yap setting up a Straw Man that he can beat into helpless submission – as is often done to Straw Men.

Since Mr Yap does not appear to understand what #NeverAgain means, I’ll spell it out for him. But first, let me preface this discussion with some of the many non-ad-hominem arguments that can be hurled against Marcos Jr.

In 1985, at 26 years old, Marcos Jr sat as chairman of the board of the Philippine Communications Satellite Corporation (Philcomsat), receiving a monthly salary of anywhere between $9,700 to $97,000. 

Sources of a United Press International reporter said that Marcos Jr had no duties in Philcomsat and rarely even went to their office. In 1986, Philippine government auditors would discover that Philcomsat was one of many corporations and organizations used to siphon ill-gotten wealth out of the country.

On June 5, 1986, the Supreme Court created a three-justice commission to hear evidence pertaining to the railroading by the Sandiganbayan of the murder case of Ninoy Aquino Jr, against the supposed gunman Rolando Galman.

The Court would later adopt the findings of this commission, asserting that its “findings and conclusions are duly substantiated by the evidence and facts of public record.” One such finding is that a principal witness, Rebecca Quijano, was offered a P2-million bribe, supposedly coming from Marcos Jr and offered through Mayor Rudy Fariñas and William Fariñas.

Both of these facts are matters of public record, and they are undisputed. I will let these facts speak for themselves.

Marcos Jr lied about having an Oxford degree – not once, but twice: first, when he claimed such degree in his credentials as posted in his profile on the official Senate website, and second, when he denied a Rappler report that had looked into the matter. Marcos Jr would later amend his Senate website credentials as a quiet acknowledgment of the veracity of the Rappler exposé.

Marcos Jr also lied about his family’s ill-gotten wealth. In the 2003 case of Republic v. Sandiganbayan, the Court observed that, “[s]ince 1991, when the petition for forfeiture was first filed, up to the present, all respondents have offered are foxy responses like lack of sufficient knowledge or lack of privity, or they cannot recall because it happened a long time ago or, as to Mrs Marcos, the funds were lawfully acquired. But whenever it suits them, they also claim ownership of 90% of the funds and allege that only 10% belongs to the Marcos estate. It has been an incredible charade from beginning to end.”

If you cannot be honest about verifiable details of your own life, then what can you be honest about? If you cannot be honest under oath, then when else can you be honest?

Marcos Jr has, for years, denied the oppressive nature of the Martial Law period under his father’s regime. He denies that his father was a dictator and massive plunderer. He denies that there were widespread, state-sanctioned enforced disappearances, torture, and killings under his father’s regime. He dismisses human rights violations claims as mere “greed” by the claimants.

In other words, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr cannot even acknowledge, much less admit, verifiable historical facts. Especially when it comes to the shameful legacy of his father and the complicity of his family.

So when we say #NeverAgain, it is not for the Straw Man argument that Mr Yap creates.

We say #NeverAgain to ever putting a Marcos back in Malacañang – and that includes placing him within a heartbeat of the presidency.

We say this because we are aware that Marcos Jr’s primary interest is sanitizing his family’s name and his father’s legacy. We understand that whatever Marcos Jr does – whether in his personal acts or in government – is geared precisely towards that end. And we reasonably predict that if Marcos Jr should ever be in a position to do so, he will not hesitate to whitewash his family’s past, and leave his father’s victims out in the cold.

It is bad enough that the administrations and generations that followed Martial Law and the EDSA revolution were negligent, and failed to educate the next generation about the Marcos regime: the atrocities committed during Martial Law, and the pernicious, lasting effects of the Marcos regime on our country.

Negligence is one thing. But to actively erase Martial Law from our past by installing the chief advocate of its whitewash in such close proximity to the presidency? #NeverAgain.

As a postscript, I think Mr Yap asks and answers the wrong question. It isn’t a question of why Marcos Jr is good for Miriam as a vice presidential candidate; rather, it is a question of why Marcos Jr is good as a vice presidential candidate, period.

The answer is: he is not. – Rappler.com

This article was first published at Blog Watch Philippine Online Chronicles. It went through Rappler style edits.

Juan G. M. Ragragio is a thirty-something-year-old nerd/geek hybrid who blogs at raggster.wordpress.com and tweets at twitter.com/raggster. When not online, he either attends law school at the University of the Philippines College of Law or stays home inventing new ways to use chicken noodle soup.

In my last year in university, one of the classes I took was “Great Books II: Middle Period”and part of the syllabus was Don Quixote. The seniors were not able to finish the book in class, but we did get through the first part and we got the general themes in it.

Don Quixote, an old gentleman living off his estate in a small town, spends his days reading books on chivalry, causing him to go mad. He then goes on adventures with his relatively trusty steed and reliable, albeit naïve, squire. On these adventures, his notion of an ideal world oftentimes clashes with reality. 

It was quite ironic to end college with Don Quixote, as though it was a preparation for facing “the real world.” The novel’s ending was almost sobering because, for four years, we were told we could put in place the changes the country needed.

It was this big dream of helping people through telling stories, particularly those that do not receive much attention, that was attractive about joining Rappler even as an intern. I saw my Rappler internship, and especially working under MovePH, as a way of honing my skills while contributing to achieving goals that I felt were worthwhile.

However, like the titular Don, I would come to find that the real world would not be as similar to what I had in mind. More than learning to be a better writer, my internship challenged me to confront the harshness of the real world and strengthen my resolve.

In the space of almost two months, I was able to learn more about myself and my surroundings than I possibly could have doing anything else in that time and the following insights were the two that have struck me most.

1. Change is never unopposed and inspiring a movement can sometimes be slow

When Don Quixote started his journey, he brought with him idealism cultivated during his time reading all his books. He thought he could go into the world, save people, and then win glory and love 

For new graduates, it is difficult to leave without a sense of optimism that our actions could collectively make the world a better place. We have developed this idealistic view by reading writers like Plato or Rizal and hearing professors telling us we are capable of doing great things for the good of all and so we believe that if we fight the good fight, we would eventually win.

When Rappler said interns “had to be prepared for battle.” Even on days that I was in the office, it felt like what I was doing had real world implications; and the work I did on the field, whether it was covering an event or doing research, was like Don Quixote and Sancho’s sallies. 

During my internship, I have gone to Payatas and seen the living conditions of a chunk of our society and was told that children frequently heard abuse from their surroundings. I have listened to scholars worried that Filipinos do not care to reflect on a past of which they should be proud.

I have had to quickly learn that the change I had wanted to help bring about would not come as easily. Just because I want to bring an issue to light, it doesn’t mean those affected would want to hear about it or care to discuss it.

2. 'So long as some people are willing to make a difference, even a little, we cannot give up'

At this point, it would be easy to criticize idealists for pursuing seemingly quixotic dreams or that they know nothing about how the world actually works. Maybe it is also easy to think that idealists are doomed to the same fate as Don Quixote who assumes his former identity and gives up his former illusions before dying quietly. 

However, this does not give the whole story. Although Don Quixote’s vision of a more honorable and chivalrous life was an illusion, it was an illusion that pushed him to want to do good things. 

Facing life’s harshness, it becomes easy to turn cynical or dejected and forget about dreams of making the “better world”the “real world.”Seeing the full scale of the challenge was almost too much, but a former professor reminded me that reality does “suck,”but that should not be a reason for stopping now.

It was in a way a blessing to end my internship with this year’s Social Good Summit because I was able to hear participants talk about how attending the event was inspirational and see groups that are doing their part in making the Sustainable Development Goals work. The experience proved that there are people committed to making a difference and wanting something better can be a practical goal. 

I am grateful for getting the opportunity to learn from the different people I have met during the internship and to work on stories that have, in some small way at least, sparked conversations.

Although Don Quixote, or Alonso Quijano, dies in the end, his actions have changed the lives of people around him. I may be no Don Quixote, but my time at Rappler, though short, and the work that came out of it has hopefully created ripples that lead to change. - Rappler.com

Bea Orante was a Rappler intern. She graduated from the Ateneo de Manila University. 

Jokes will pepper the presidential races until we reform our political parties and get out of the tunnel of personality politics.

Filipinos love jokes. In politics, we make fun of our leaders, especially when they’re on the decline. The conventional wisdom is: watch out when people start joking about the president because that’s a sure sign of his or her ebbing popularity.

In our pantheon of cultural taste, jokes rank high, too.

One current presidential candidate, Miriam Defensor Santiago, has broken Philippine publishing record with her bestselling compilation of jokes and witty one-liners, “Stupid is Forever.” A sequel, “Stupid is Forevermore,” soon followed, dishing out more of the same.

When Joseph Estrada was a heartbeat away from the presidency, his friends published “ERAPtion: How to speak English without really trial,” a book that compiled jokes about him—and was widely distributed during his campaign in 1998.

In the Senate, we have a comedian, Vicente “Tito” Sotto, who topped the race the first time he ran, in 1992. He lost in the 2007 senatorial race, when he joined the senatorial slate of the ruling coalition of then President Gloria Arroyo.

It comes as no surprise, therefore, that our kind of politics attracts jokes to the national races. About 130 aspirants have filed for the presidency, apparently a record high, says the Commission on Elections (Comelec).

Looking at the bright side of things, Comelec’s James Jimenez says this is a “symbol of a vibrant democracy.”

But let’s stop being polite about this electoral phenomenon and take it for what it really is: a joke.

Democracy is vibrant only when:

•  Political parties stand for issues, are strong, and with disciplined members who put the interest of  their platforms ahead of their ambitions. 
•  The election campaign is anchored on issues, not on personalities.
•  Funds for candidates come from majority of the citizens instead of just a wealthy few.
•  The media are fair and honest in their reportage, masking no agenda.

Until we reform the political parties, the campaign finance system, and get out of the tunnel of personality politics, we will continue to see jokes pepper the presidential races. – Rappler.com

I asked my dad to drive for me as I gather resources before typhoon Lando (Koppu) hits land. He immediately agreed and suggested that we take the route where our rice field, which should be ready for harvest next week, is located. As we approached the area, I saw him drew a sigh of sadness. Tomorrow, or the day after, when the typhoon is gone, the rows of rice stalks ready for harvest will be flattened to the ground, muddied and inundated by heavy rains.

"If the typhoon will stay for two more days after it makes landfall, farmers will have big losses," he said. Most farmers borrow money for farm inputs. Poor harvest means unpaid debts.

It was starting to rain hard when I saw 74-year old Luis in one of the rice fields, harvesting what he can before Koppu leaves him with nothing.

"I hope the typhoon won't stay for long.  Things are already hard for us, farmers. Another blow will be too much," he explained.

As the heavy rain started to pour. I thought Luis will walk with me out of the field but he stayed. He said there's more he can get. I didn't know what else to say. I saw in him the grief of other farmers, the loss that my father was also feeling. I saw in his wrinkled-face the months of hard work which probably won't pay off. It was heart breaking.

I've been deployed to several emergency responses, including typhoon Haiyan. I was in Tacloban when typhoon Hagupit threatened the Visayas. I interviewed people before and after a typhoon – doing my best to tell their stories as truthfully as I can. Doing the work now, in my own province, should not be any different. But I’m wrong.  It’s harder. More painful.  Maybe because I know the people, I speak their language, I share with them a special connection. Like that of my dad. Like that of Luis. While driving off, I kept staring  at the vast rice field with him in the middle, soaked by the rain.

It will be a long night here in North Luzon as we wait for Koppu’s landfall. The strong winds and torrential rains continue to bring anxiety to most farmers. As I write this, my parents are already talking about crop insurance and other possibilities that at least some of the rice plants will be salvaged. But more than the crops and livestock, I hope that no life will be lost in the coming days. – Rappler.com

Joy Maluyo is a communications officer of World Vision.

World Vision has been working with 55 barangays in five towns in the province of Isabela for several years now. World Vision staff are on alert, ready to respond to Typhoon Koppu and its possible impact in communities in northern Luzon and support government efforts if needed.

MARAWI CITY, Philippines – Abner, that far away look hours before you were shot meant that was our last eye to eye. You were just a seat away but seemed distant. You used to laugh, smile, share striking lessons about things you saw outside the Moro areas to apply here , but today at the Philippine National Police Conference, you were listless as if departing… 

My bestfriends were Tausug so when you from Sulu came to head the police in Marawi few months ago, I had found someone to talk to remind me of the beloved island. Magsukol, thanks in Tausug.

You understood the complexity of the Bangsamoro, did not condemn but connected, did not just talk but walked the dirt of streets, did the paperwork for the living to live by filing cases in courts, something which many chiefs of police can't do for lack of witnesses, etc. You stood as the witness. And made do with 100 men to secure the 200,000 residents of Ranaw living in Marawi.

For how could you chase criminals when there was no walkie talkie nor motorcycles for your walking cops?

But try you did.

It might be your youth, you not having a family, that made you embrace the fight of urbanization's mess, wanting to make a name for a Bangsamoro cop to be respected as well.

And then after we shared notes, and you had your boodle lunch at the PNP headquarters, why did you drive alone? When you knew you had made enemies along the way against the underground in a city where everyone from various towns bring their rage. (Read: Marawi police chief shot dead)

And then the deep, blood-thirsty armalite shots pierced through the highway, silence in our neighborhood outside our compound whose wall said The Ummah is Bleeding. There you were on the front seat, your own driver, alone with your documents and bleeding…

Your brother, a mayor in Sulu, called to ask how you were through Sergeant Poblacion, a co-Kazalimbago partner. Your body was being brought to Pagadian because there is no flight from nearby Laguindingan airport to Zamboanga.

Without question, you would join civilians in covenants to protect the environment from careless littering, stomped off illegally-plying underaged pedicab drivers, fight the rage of men who care less about parking anywhere.

Interior Secretary Menen Sarmiento asked for prayers for the officer. 

You brought the valiantry and fearlessness with you here, the warrior in a uniform undaunting in the fight against the unknown, returned back even when you were removed from being CHIEF here years ago to finish the fight against the extreme-minded who use Islam to spread fear.

You knew the fear of many, you fought to fight that fear and silence. – Rappler.com

Samira Gutoc is from Marawi City. A former assemblywoman of ARMM, she is a co-convenor for civil society of the Friends of Peace movement that is campaigning for peace in Mindanao.

(Note: For those who have lung cancer, a warning: I will be talking about survival rates in this article and if you need emotional preparation, you may decide to read no further.) 

One of the first things I say to anyone who has cancer is that doctors can give you a prognosis, but don’t take that to mean he or she has told you when you are going to die.

A prognosis tells you how serious your cancer is and what your chances for survival are. Survival rates, on the other hand, are based on averages for a large number of patients. In that sense these are rough guides to how long you have left. Many people live longer than the average and many die sooner.

But survival rates for Stage 4 lung cancer are rather bleak and the cure you claim in just 3 months' time, is highly improbable. A miracle, if you will. Certainly the medical literature does not speak of a cure.

And now that you have filed your certificate of candidacy for President of the Republic of the Philippines, we need to know: have you really been gifted with a miracle?

Facing mortality with courage

I know this may sound harsh and some readers may be reacting to my lack of consideration for your feelings.

As in many cultures, Filipinos find it hard to talk about death. But spiritual leaders and mental health professionals advise us that we should overcome this reticence. Death, after all, is inevitable. There is something we lose in terms of courage and authenticity when we refuse its reality. Particular to planning one’s life in the light of a cancer diagnosis, it helps to have some estimate of the likely course of your disease and the time you have left, in order to plan the best, most comfortable and affirming alternatives for you.

This is why I admired you when you announced your Stage 4 lung cancer with such aplomb. You seemed so unafraid and so matter-of-fact. So like the person you were when you said that you eat death threats for breakfast.

You were a professor, and there is something in the life of a true intellectual that makes her braver about any information she can discover about the world and herself. In fact I admit to the guilty pleasure of sharing in your intellectual snobbery. (After all, when you make fun of other people’s stupidity is it not because you feel so smart and we feel superior right along with you?) 

Thus, while professionals would caution against a doctor blurting out survival rates to an unprepared patient, I don’t think that is you. As a courageous and intellectually superior woman, I am almost certain you asked to know your survival rates almost immediately and are familiar with them by now. (For those who have lung cancer, a repeat warning: I will be talking about survival rates now and if you need emotional preparation, you may decide to read no further.)

Bravery beyond politics

If my faith in you is well-founded you would know what I mean by “bleak.”

The American Cancer Society states that the percentage of patients who live at least 5 years after their Stage 4 lung cancer is diagnosed is 1%. And there is nothing in the literature that talks about cure. In the harsh words of the medical profession, the cancer is incurable.

As a fellow advocate of the reproductive health law, I was saddened to hear you announce that you had lung cancer and that it was Stage 4. But as I said, your pluck and spirit were admirable. When you followed up with a sequel to your best-selling joke book, it seemed that you had finally gone beyond the limitations of being a politician – I disliked your defense of corrupt presidents and former chief justice Renato Corona. With your continuing zest, dear senator, it seemed you were ready to teach the nation far more than how to be a competent politician.

When people began hinting that you were going to run for president I was even more in admiration. I thought you were up to your naughty tricks again. Threatening a comeback as if to say, “It ain’t over until it’s over.” 

I hardly thought you would actually run. But now you have, and worse, you have chosen Bongbong Marcos as your vice president.

Public has right to know

And so I am sorry, dear senator. You, whom I chose to forgive over and over, because I love disruptive people in mainstream places. This time I cannot just smile and let this pass.

This time I must ask you, in all fairness, to release your medical records.

Because if you did not receive a miracle, there is a great probability that you will not survive your 6-year term – should you win. You are essentially asking us to vote Bongbong Marcos into the presidency if we were to choose as you choose. (As for Bongbong, suffice it to say that he is like his father except dumber, and despite his protestations, the Marcos dictatorship is rightfully reviled locally and internationally.)

Knowing also how campaigns work, if you did receive a miracle, you should announce it and prove it because it’s a sure-fire way to gain the presidency. Your low-profile announcement causes me to doubt you further.

Your recent interpellation of the Freedom of Information Bill shows that you understand the need for transparency. I ask you, in that spirit, to release your medical records.

As you know this will require your voluntary release of confidential information. As you are a renowned jurist, you know that there is enough precedent for what I am asking as well as arguments against it. Perhaps you also know that I would not be the first physician to ask this of a presidential candidate and many who have done this are far more expert in this and more prominent than I have been. 

My area of expertise being psychology, I have opposed the release of medical records on the suspicion of mental illness because, given the stigma, I feel this would unjustly bias the voters.

But this is not a psychological illness, it is a physical one.

And you broke part of your confidentiality protections when you announced your illness for which, I suggest, you got admiration and political mileage. I also think that it is dangerous for people to come away with the impression that lung cancer can be cured. It may cause them to be more complacent about taking preventive measures.

There is no clear demarcation when the public’s need to know exceeds your right to confidentiality. But as a physician and as a concerned citizen, I believe you tipped the balance when you filed your certificate of candidacy.

Please, release your medical records now. – Rappler.com

I heard that you finally filed your Certificate of Candidacy at the Comelec for the position of Vice President this coming 2016 elections. Like most of us who know you personally, I am still amazed by the course of events that eventually thrust you into the national limelight. After all, the people of Naga City know intimately how simple you are and how you’ve always avoided being the center of attention.

It was because of your husband, Mayor Jesse Robredo, that I chose a career in government service. When he was appointed to a national post, Bicolanos were filled not only with pride, but also hope – that what we have achieved in Naga can now be achieved nationwide. His untimely death dashed those hopes. Despite the shock and sorrow, we followed your lead in the aftermath. Your image as a strong woman gave us the strength to rally around you and your family. 

It saddens me that not even a day into your declaration, social media was already rife of false statements and black propaganda. It hurt me to know that complete strangers would have the courage and the audacity to try and destroy your credibility, given that those who know you personally can vouch for your personality. (WATCH: Leni Robredo on running for VP)

I write this in an attempt to shed some light on who Leni Robredo is, not the political figure featured in the media, but the person who has helped so many people yet to chose to remain in the sidelines. 

Naga memories

From a personal perspective, there have been a handful of moments when I witnessed how you have shown generosity, kindness, sympathy, understanding, and courage. This spanned from when you were a simple wife of Mayor Jesse, up to recent months when you served us our congresswoman. (READ: 8 things to know about Leni Robredo)

I remember about 6 years ago, we were working on a coffee table book about Naga. It was our first major assignment from Mayor Jesse, a book chronicling the rich history of our city, its governance initiatives and innovations, and efforts in becoming a model city. 

After several consecutive nights trying to finalize the first draft, we hurriedly ran to Mayor Jesse’s office just before 5 pm to present it to him. You had just arrived before us, clutching several folders. You were about to pick up your husband from the office so he could go home to his family. In true Jesse Robredo fashion, he browsed through the draft, sometimes muttering to himself. He seemed rather unconvinced. You were standing right beside him and you kept looking and smiling at us, aware maybe, of our lack of sleep. 

Then he looked up to you and asked “Ano sa tingin mo, Ma? (What do you think, Ma?)” You looked at us again, grinned, then answered him back, “Sa tingin ko okay na ‘yan. Maganda naman e (I think that’s already okay. It’s beautiful).” The good mayor then gave in, sighed and said to us “O sige na Alec, okay na ‘yan. (Alright. That’s okay).” 

You could not imagine our glee and relief. That moment taught me something about you. First, I learned how supportive you were as a wife, the textbook definition of a “better half.” Second, I learned how well you sympathize with people who work with your husband or yourself. You understand how difficult public service can be, and you know how to manage people well.

Another time, we were proposing to feature you in the regular publication of City Hall. Our editorial team wanted to do a feature of iconic women in Naga who were worthy of emulation. As the president of the Naga City Council for Women, you fit the bill. But when we approached you, you respectfully declined our proposal and told us that it would not be proper since you were the Mayor’s wife. You said that if we want to highlight something, then we should feature the important role of women in Naga, and not a figure. 

You showed us how not to feel privileged. You taught us that position does not entitle special privileges, only special responsibilities.

Humility, courage

When Mayor Jesse was appointed to a cabinet position, you were left with the task of looking after your daughters. I remember one time when you texted me and asked me if there were published materials about the history of Naga’s historical and cultural landmarks. I asked why and you replied that you were helping your youngest, Jillian, with her homework. 

The wife of a national government official, an accomplished lawyer in your own right, and yet also a down-to-earth mom helping out with her child’s studies. You taught me how important it is to keep your feet planted firmly on the ground and never let power and position take control of your life.

A few months ago, just before your birthday, Naga City Mayor John Bongat and the city councilors threw you a simple surprise lunch. I was called in by Mayor Bongat who said you had a special request. When I arrived, I was told that you wanted to try the latest tourist attraction in Naga, a 200-meter zipbike ride on Mt. Isarog. Being the head of Naga’s tourism office, I arranged for the special treat. 

When we arrived, we head off to the tower housing the bikes that would tread the metal cable suspended above the river. We were high above the flowing jungle river when you told me that you were actually afraid of heights and you wanted to conquer that fear as a birthday gift to yourself. And conquer it you did, several times. You were cautious at the start but when you realized that there was nothing to fear, you pedaled your way across the river.

It seemed as though you enjoyed conquering your fear so much that you even went twice, surprising us and me personally. In a way, maybe that was one way for you to help channel your inner strength, knowing the challenges that lie ahead. You taught me something about courage that day. You showed me that you can overcome fear as long as you have faith in what you believe in and in what you can achieve.

These seemingly insignificant moments, for me, have shown a great deal of your character and personality. 

Throughout Mayor Jesse’s career in public service, you were his co-captain and his navigator. I could sense that you provided him with the right direction and bearing to pursue as a Mayor, and later on as a national government official. 

I am confident that as the country’s Vice President, you can do the same for our next President. And with your traits and qualities, I am certain that our nation will be in good hands. – Rappler.com

Alec Santos is a 29-year old Naga resident. She is currently the head of Naga City's tourism office. She also serves as a tourism governance consultant of different LGUs and NGOs across the country.

Last week thousands of people trooped to the Comelec to file their certificates of candidacy (COC), many of them vying for seats in local offices where members of their families hold monopolies of power. After the dust settles on filings, how many local elections will the country lose to dynasties? How many elections are hopelessly locked into a dynastic outcome because all candidates are dynastic?

Over the past few weeks we have heard many stories about dynasties. One admirable woman, Kaka J. Bag-ao is challenging a deeply entrenched dynasty in Dinagat Islands, by running for Congressperson of its lone district. It is the only high-level post not occupied by over 9 Ecleos dominating the province.

The Binays, a national and local dynasty, reacted to the Ombudsman’s perpetual disqualification of Junjun Binay from elective office by announcing almost immediately that his sister Mar-Len Abigail will run for Mayor in his place, and the husband, Luis Campos, in her place, as Congress Representative. Vice Presidential hopeful Leni Robredo ran for Congress in large part because it was an opportunity to interrupt the dynastic rule of the Villafuertes in Camarines Sur. 

Just weeks after citizens were informed that the Anti-Political Dynasty Bill is dead in the water, we are again forced to witness one after the other political clan seeking reelection and expansion of their rule in various parts of the country.

PH losing ground in the battle vs dynasties

As each election rolls around, larger and larger swaths of the country fall into dynastic hands. It is alarming, and simply unacceptable. 

The map below shows how in each election after 2004, the country loses more provinces to dynasties, and dynasties grow more entrenched within the provinces. Gray areas are provinces not ruled by dynasties, red areas have dynastic presence. Darker shades of red mean “fatter dynasties”, as they are called by AIM Policy Center executive director Dr Ronald Mendoza.

A dynasty is fat if there are multiple family members occupying various elected offices in the province during the same term, the “sabay-sabay” variety. This map was generated from data gathered by Dr Mendoza and his team that documents the proliferation of these powerful families across vulnerable poor provinces.

As each election passes, greater portions of the country become red, and those that are already red grow darker. With each election, more provinces end up ruled by dynasties. These families in provinces grow to occupy many more offices than in the previous election.

From 2004 to 2013, the average dynasty share grew from 0.30 to 0.44, representing a 47% increase. Dynasties have taken root and grown since 2004 in much of Northern Luzon, Ilocos Norte, Cagayan, Apayao, and Isabela. The whole island of Samar starts out with a slight dynasty presence and ends up being occupied by a deeply entrenched set of families. Then of course there is the southwest – Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, and Sulu.

The sequence of events is familiar to those who bear witness to the spread of power, those who live in the poorest provinces of the country. A small dynasty starts. While in office, they amass both money and political capital through favors and patronage-driven spending of public funds. They collect enough to field multiple family members in the next election. Armed with the advantage of capital, all members enjoy an advantage and then many will win. Lather, rinse, and repeat, as the saying goes. 

What will this map look like after Election Day 2016?

The country cycles through these elections, and more and more local office races become dynasty versus dynasty. When voters are left without options, without the power to choose, elections lose their meaning. In this 2016 election, how many local races will have only dynastic candidates as choices? What proportion of the country is guaranteed a dynastic outcome?

At the close of the COC filings, we are sure the AIM Policy Center will keep watch and tell us where dynastic outcomes are guaranteed and where there is hope of breaking them up. After Election Day, will we see more gray on this map? Will the country be able to reclaim territory from dynasties, or will the bleeding continue?

How can this cycle be broken when the very institution that can change things through law, Congress, is itself glowing red with members of fat dynastic clans? What is the future for the Anti-Political Dynasty bill?

We must ask all candidates for president, vice president, Congress, and the Senate directly, “If you are elected, will you vote in favor of making political dynasties illegal?” – Rappler.com 

Clarissa C. David is a Professor at the UP College of Mass Communication and a fellow of Social Weather Stations Inc. She is also the 2015 Outstanding Young Scientist awardee for social science. EF Legara is a Complex Systems Scientist with a Ph.D. in Physics from the National Institute of Physics, University of the Philippines Diliman.

The Philippines is in the middle of being battered by Typhoon Lando (international name Koppu) as climate negotiations began in Bonn on Monday, October 19. The Bonn negotiations will be the last 5 days of the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Durban Platform where countries negotiate about a climate agreement before the 21st Conference of Parties (COP) in Paris in December.

The COP is a yearly meeting of countries under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change that hopes to solve the climate crisis. A climate agreement in Paris will be crucial to stop global warming below two degrees celsius from pre-industrial levels. The world has already warmed at 0.8 degrees celsius.

However, vulnerable countries like the Philippines, which are already facing climate impacts, are calling for a more ambitious target of 1.5 degrees celcius. At 0.8 degrees of warming, many nations have faced an acceleration on sea level rise, longer droughts, and extreme weather events that have led to much loss and damage.

Wake up call

But Paris is not the first time countries have tried to form a legally binding deal that would solve the climate crisis. In 2009, the COP15 in Copenhagen tried but failed to deliver this deal. Six years since then, a lot of catastrophic events have happened because of climate change: extreme heat in India and, extreme rains in Myanmar and the Philippines, and drought in California.

The Philippines was devastated by Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan) during the COP19 Warsaw negotiations. It was when former climate change commissioner and negotiator Naderev “Yeb” Saño delivered a speech left a great impact at the negotiations.

“We can take drastic action now to ensure that we prevent a future where super typhoons are a way of life. Because we refuse, as a nation, to accept a future where super typhoons like Haiyan become a fact of life,” Saño said in his impassioned speech.

But in 2014, just as the COP20 in Lima opened, the Philippines once again faced a typhoon (Typhoon Ruby, international name Hagupit). This year, as the last 5 days of the negotiations begin, Typhoon Lando has just made its presence felt in Luzon and is still lingering in the country. 

These typhoons coinciding with climate negotiations serve as a reminder for world leaders to start acting on climate change. 

While countries are busy debating over the right words to use in the agreement, there are people losing their lives and livelihoods because of climate change.

The last 5 days of the negotiations is very important as it will set the tone of whether Paris will be a success or not. The Bonn negotiations will either set a strong foundation or a shaky ground for a new climate agreement.

Countries have already submitted their carbon mitigation commitments through the Intended Nationally Determined Contributions. When taken together, all countries’ commitments are still not enough to reach the below 2ºC target. The current negotiating text also does not see a lot of commitment from developed countries, which reduced loss and damage to only 3 lines.

The last Bonn negotiations that happened in September saw a very slow process, frustrating many countries, especially the G77 bloc. 

“They keep on talking but nobody wants to compromise. There is no effort to negotiate,” said Tess Vistro of Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development.

It will be a long and difficult fight for the next 5 days, especially for developing countries like the Philippines. There are battles to be fought to ensure that justice will be served for those who are most impacted by climate change. But right now, other countries like the United States clearly does not want to commit to anything concrete.

Another typhoon has caused devastation in the Philippines. Lives are again lost, crops are again damaged, homes are again swept away. 16,000 are displaced, 16 are dead. 

The sympathy of world leaders are nothing but empty words if nothing concrete will come out of this week’s negotiations.There is no more time for dilly dallying and rhetoric. There is only time for decisions to be made. – Rappler.com

Renee Juliene Karunungan, 25, is the Communications Director and climate campaigner of Dakila. Dakila is an organization that has been working on climate justice since 2009. She is also a climate tracker for Adopt A Negotiator.

From stigma to sensation – or lack of it – condoms get a bad rap. But those small rubbers or prophylactics (not to be mistaken for prophylaxsis) offer the best protection against untimely pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections when used properly and consistently. 

You’ve had the sex talk with me in more than one column. Let’s have a condom talk now, shall we? (READ: Are you afraid of condoms?)

Here are 5 things you should know about those nifty little love gloves: 

1. Condoms have an expiration date

It is only diamonds that last forever. Condoms have an expiration date written right on the packet. Before opening a condom packet, always check the expiration date. 

Another thing you should do before opening the condom packet is to make sure it is still puffed up with some air. To check, lightly press on the packet. If the packaging is flat and deflated, chances are it has been punctured or torn. Do not use that condom. A condom that is exposed to air will be dry, brittle, and prone to breaking. 

2. There is a proper way to store condoms

You know that condom you have stashed away in your wallet just in case you get lucky? Well, your wallet isn’t exactly the best place to store your willy wrapper. Wallets are usually slid into back packets and sat on – and that combination of bending and body heat are only good when you actually put the condom on for some action. Otherwise, it may cause the condom pack to inadvertently open, break, or tear. 

Same thing for girls, keep your condoms away from the pointy things in your kikay (vanity) kit, eyebrow tweezers, and hairbrushes. And yes, you should bring your baon. Don’t trust your health and your future on the probability that your partner will come armed.

The glove compartment of your car is also not a good place for the love glove. Keep your condoms in a cool dry place. If you are anxious about your mom or your helper finding your stash in your room, hide them in a box or a pair of socks.

I know what you’re thinking. But my wallet or kikay kit is the best place to store a condom to keep it within easy reach. Okay, I concede. If you choose to keep condoms in your wallet or kikay kit, just remember not to store them there for an unlimited period of time. Throw them out if they remain unused after a weekend. Just like your slow internet connection, your condom stash needs to be refreshed regularly.

3. There is a wrong side up 

Condoms are not reversible. If you put them on the wrong side up, it won’t cover the entire length of the penis, no matter what size of male appendage we are talking about. And a condom that does not cover his whole package may slip off during the course of action and comprise your protection. 

A condom that is right side up will slide all the way down to the base of the penis. On the wrong side up, it will stop mid-way and resist your affectionate attempts to roll it all the way down. Do not fight the condom. Just like you when take a selfie, a condom knows its better side best. Turn it over or get a new one and start over again. 

And while we’re at it, do not double bag it. Do not wear two condoms at the same time, they will just rub against each other. This friction may cause it to break. 

4. Condoms break

Condoms do break. They are not invincible and I’m hard-pressed to think of anything that you would willingly actually insert in your body that is. 

Condoms break for a variety of reasons. Maybe you bit into it by accident when you tore off the packaging with your teeth (not a good idea, really), or your long nails got in the way, or the passage way it was meant to go through was not just prepped enough, if you know what I mean. 

That is why lubricant is your friend. Condoms and lube go together like peanut butter and jelly, and should be used in tandem for maximum protection and comfort.

If you want a little bit of a pleasure amplifier, add a dollop of lube on the inside tip of the condom before putting it on. For visual purposes, I’m talking about the part of the condom where the semen goes (the cumbag, if you want to call it that). The added smooth and slosh will heighten the sensation that many argue condoms negate.

The scientific explanation? The glans or the head of the penis contains about 7,000 sensory nerve endings. It has the greatest concentration of nerve endings in one place compared to any part of the male body, making it extremely sensitive to pleasure and sensation. Don’t you just love biology? 

For the record, the clitoris, called the female equivalent of the glans, has about the same number of nerve endings neatly condensed into a smaller space.

5. Condoms trump the pill and other forms of contraception 

Only condoms can protect you from both an unplanned pregnancy and a sexually transmitted infection. I think they are the most gender-sensitive and gender-neutral sexual health tools around. Not bad for a tiny little rubber ring (READ: Condoms and sex ed). 

Think about that next time you insist on the “no glove, no love policy.” – Rappler.com

Correct and consistent use of condoms has been proven to effectively prevent the transmission of sexually transmitted infections like HIV.

This DASH of SAS column is part of Rappler’s #StayNegatHIVe campaign to raise awareness about HIV.  

Unfortunately the portrayal of the events prior to the death of Prof. Heck is incomplete. It's not true that he died without being cared for. Let me share with you some details that will hopefully give you a better picture of the situation. I am writing this to honor his memory, to show gratitude for his family, and to correct the news that he was not cared for. Richard Heck did have a family that cared for him until his death.

I first met with Prof. Heck a few days after the announcement of his Nobel award in 2010. The Integrated Chemists of the Philippines was organizing the 26th Philippine Chemistry Congress in April 2011, so he would have been a great plenary speaker. We found him living in a modest home in the Tandang Sora area. He had completely retired from Chemistry and had been out of touch with things for over 10 years already. He also suffered from dementia and so did not want to talk science, but was happy to inspire the young. We arranged to have some of our MS Chem students interview him at his home.

At that time, he was almost completely dependent on his wife, Socorro, and his nephew, Michael Nardo. He was also very much attached to Michael's child. He seemed happy with his simple life. It was also clear that he had no family to go back to in the US so this was his home.

Prof. Heck brought his family along to our chemistry congress in Cebu. We arranged for him to have a session with the student participants in the annual Chemistry quiz contest for high school students, an event which he enjoyed.

Socorro was many years younger than Richard (almost 20 years, I think), and so I was surprised and saddened when she passed away two years ago. Richard's care fell to the hands of Mike.  

People ask about the financials and what has happened to his share of the Nobel funds. I am guessing that Socorro, like all Filipina wives, probably took care of managing the funds. Certainly, I don't think that Richard would have been in any condition to manage it properly. So when she passed away suddenly, I don't know if any of the financial information and legal papers would have been attended to. I don't know if Mike has knowledge of how to manage the legal situation since Heck is a US citizen and Mike is not a "next of kin".

The Nardos are a family with modest means so it was a big burden for them to take over the care of Richard with the many medical complications that had come up. All they had was Heck's $2,500 pension and a US insurance company that was delayed in its payments to the hospital. Mike told me that they had to sell their car to raise more funds for Richard’s care. From Mike's description of Heck's condition, it's possible that Alzheimer's may have been setting in as well.

I was at the wake on Saturday afternoon when the GMA News crew was interviewing the two caregivers. The reporter was obviously more interested in the news angle that Heck had been abandoned. We asked them whether they wanted to interview others who were also at the wake (Dr. Alvin Culaba, vice president of De La Salle University, was also there at the time) but they were satisfied with the story line that they got from the caregivers. This was also the story that came out in Rappler.

In addition to the family, we should also be thankful to De La Salle for welcoming Richard to their academic community and for providing for the wake expenses. I am sure that this added to the joy of his final years.      

Richard Heck did have a family that cared for him. – Rappler.com

Dr. Dayrit is an Academician of the National Academy of Science & Technology (Philippines). He is a Professor of Chemistry, Ateneo de Manila University, and the current president of the Integrated Chemists of the Philippines.

So they think we're stupid, those people in red, raising each other's arms like they have fresh faces, having the audacity to call for a "revolution" in a country they themselves raped.

So they think we're so forgetful that we'll just admire their smiles and their outfits and not think of their offenses in both the distant and immediate past. That we'll gloss over the fact that those arms are being raised by plunderers, convicted and ejected only years before, but back in power just to show that even the justice system is in the palm of their hands.

They think we don't notice the rehearsed speeches, the practiced Tagalog, the pro-poor messages. They think it covers up the fancy foreign schooling that resulted in crafted diplomas, or how they have maintained their circle of powerful friends who are only too keen to benefit from their secret bank accounts. 

They think nobody is watching this theatrical performance from afar, that we don't notice that those sweaty armpits are a result of those lies, that those oily and weary faces are aware that this is all a tired old story that they repackage time after time.

A tradition of theft

They think we're oblivious to that surname that is supposedly the reason the central business district thrives. That we'll overlook the fact that this political dynasty is comprised of a father, mother, sister, and brother who have made corruption cases the tradition of their name. If that's not a family legacy then I don't know what it is. It must make one so proud to follow that tarnished path.

And what about the urong-sulong (back and forth) cha-cha a hopeful dictator tried to pull with his reluctant presidential candidacy? Even the lawyers among my smarter acquaintances have grown so tired of their fellow Filipinos' complacency and lack of discipline that they now believe this man who promotes summary execution has the answers. I understand that it's inspiring to listen to a man who says he'll clean up the streets and eliminate unwanted elements. Sure, until it's a relative of yours who is killed without due process. All of a sudden, we'll regret putting a lawless verdugo in Malacañang. Don't forget that we've seen that iron fist one too many times.

We sighed with relief when a big-haired longtime politician and current catchphrase and meme star decided she's in the game. Until of course she chose an unapologetic murderer's son to be her right-hand man. That was enough admission from the lifelong scholar of laws that she is not bothered by her running mate's family's offenses, but she even took it as far as explicitly stating that an apology is not neededfor the deaths and debts that family has incurred with pride. 

They think we're not watching

Those troublesome prospects, the sleepy "safe" bets, the usual administration's pets, as well as the 130 other presidential candidates that filed their certificates the other day make up this political circus that just can’t wait to begin. As if we're not already laughable. As if this party needs another clown. As if we aren't battered and weary enough from these cycles of distractions, manufactured victories, and lies.

They think we’re not watching this predictable novella, when those we elect pilfer from the nation's coffers, land themselves in jail, feign medical issues, get released, and then run again for office. It's as if impeachment, conviction, and imprisonment are prerequisites to be elected to the highest posts in the land.

Exhausted, we wait for these crooks to die off and be replaced by younger, more conscientious ones. But it seems they raise new models like their families are factories that replace old thieves with younger and more energetic ones. Where their offspring are taught that their parents are sinless and God-fearing, that they did what was right and necessary during their time. 

Just like in the past, there is no doubt that the election will be won by the masa (lower classes), those whose opinions we won't see in our Facebook feeds, and whose voices we often don't even care to know.

It only takes a few seconds of listening to a campaign speech to know that those who seek power are aware that only the votes of the lower classes matter, that all they need are celebrities to come up on stage to endorse them and they will win. That a sob story about being the dark and short Robin Hood of the Philippines is somehow believable. 

If it's the D and E classes that put our leaders in power, does that mean that those who have access to education and employment can't do anything about who is elected? 

Can't do anything?

There's an air of resignation that it's the same old faces and the same old tricks that will comprise the game in 2016, but the truth is that we're comfortable in these performances. We're fine with a select few being able to lead the masses like a brainless flock. We have accepted the pleasure of having employees and servants who follow our orders instead of questioning the social structures that keep them bound.

We who say we are tired of political dynasties and corruption are also the ones who make money off mindless shows that keep people busy and make them settle for a happiness of seeing their love team. We write the scripts, we produce the story plots. We edit the political commentary out of story lines. We sell the ads that run in between segments and we follow advertiser's requests to keep things light - devoid of seriousness and real world issues. We don't want trouble, we just want to coast. We are complicit in keeping those who don't have the same resources from scratching the surface of what is handed to them. 

We run the cinemas that stop showing independent films that make people think. We put up the billboards that turn our focus on physical beauty, so that money is spent on visual self-interest instead of focusing on the benefits of educating our women over keeping their skin light. We brag when we visit a public official's extravagant home. We don't have a problem when the daughter of a corrupt leader calls us her friend and asks us aboard her yacht. 

Majority of middle and upper class Filipinos have employees - both household and business workers, if not workplace subordinates. Knowing that the face of the future president lies on their shoulders, have we ever asked our employees who they're voting for and why? Have we checked if they remember or have even heard of the horrors of Martial Law? Have we reminded them about the current candidates' corruption scandals? How about their past performance and policy track record? Have we reminded our employees what their president needs to do to better their lives?

Have we asked the people we might be able to influence how they feel about the political landscape? If, in the end, they are the ones who vote in numbers and decide, can we take the time to remind them that the appearance of their favorite celebrity at their campaign rally is not going to ensure that these candidates will actually ease their plight? 

Complex lives designed to forget 

But we are too busy dealing with traffic, pollution, flooding, the latest weather disturbance, and our ridiculous income tax rates. We are too busy figuring out how to get customs to not charge us for our balikbayan box. It's as if the country's problems are designed to keep us busy and distract us enough so we don't have time to complain beyond what immediately bothers us. When it is life-threatening to get to and from work each day, it is ridiculous to expect anyone else to look past themselves, much less to see what their fellow citizen is doing or what opinions they have. 

Our professional politicians think we don't keep track of their mistakes. Or even if we do, it's not our opinions that matter. They believe that the people whose favor they care about are those who are swayed by a sexy dance, and that those who fill our social media feeds with their complaints cannot influence what the voters they care about will decide come election time.

We all know our politicians think we're all stupid, but have we actually asked ourselves if we actually thrive in this flawed system where those on the lowest rung never advance? Are our leaders correct in thinking we are stupid because we keep each other dumb? – Rappler.com

Allan Carreon is running for president, it is presumed, on a platform of peace across the cosmos.

Certainly the country needs a leader willing to boldly go where no man has gone before. A self-declared intergalactic space ambassador, Carreon’s track record may or may not involve sealing the first peace treaty between the Klingon Empire and The United Federation of Planets. It bodes well for the commander in chief to have had experience in interspecies negotiation. Peace in Muslim Mindanao, fraught as it is with tension and resistance, may seem child’s play to a man able to walk away victorious from a rampaging phalanx of Klingon birds of prey.   

This, of course, is my facetious way of appreciating Allan Carreon, Space Ambassador, one of many candidates who had filed for candidacy for next year’s elections. The number of presidential aspirants who filed their certificates of candidacy this month is record-breaking. There are many who have criticized the phenomenon, arguing it further confuses an already confusing electoral race. 

The Commission on Election’s law department moved to disqualify 125 of 130 candidates. “The State,” according to a Supreme Court ruling, has “a compelling interest to ensure that its electoral exercises are rational, objective and orderly.”

Individuals judged to have made a mockery of the election process – the “palpably ridiculous” ones – as well as those who do not have the funds to mount a national campaign have to be disqualified. Running for Presidency, it has been argued, is a matter of privilege, and not a constitutional right.

From nuisance to outliers 

Others, however, have taken a more sympathetic position. Commission on Elections spokesperson James Jimenez, for example, has encouraged reporters to call unqualified candidates “outliers” instead of “nuisance.”  

It “makes a lot of sense,” he says, “to call these candidates outliers, simply because that is – in fact – what they are.”

The outliers represented “ideas that most people consider too outrageous, and they have personalities that border on the gleefully insane.”

The term, he adds, is not judgmental, as it simply indicates a deviation from society’s own predisposition. He is careful to distinguish candidates from the candidacy. He clarifies that the term nuisance refers to the character of the candidacy, not the person hoping to run for office. He acknowledges the public’s tendency to dismiss such candidates outright, but he also underscores the importance of hearing their case before the Commission decides on their status. 

Not only in the Philippines

Bizarre political aspirants, it must be pointed out, are not unique to the Philippines.

Instead, they are part of a broader global phenomenon of outliers running against mainstream parties and established political personalities. Even in “advanced” democracies, colorful candidates have been a constant feature of electoral politics.

In this year’s UK general elections, for example, a one-man party called Give Me Back Elmo challenged Prime Minister David Cameron’s seat. Dressed as a Muppet on Election Day, the candidate successfully photobombed the images of the Prime Minister casting his vote.

In Nottingham, the Deputy Prime Minister’s Party received fewer votes than The Church of the Militant Elvis in a council by-election. Britain’s representative to the Eurovision Singing Contest has also been a staple in British elections, whose aim is to make it to the Guinness Book of World Records by having zero votes. Just last year, Germany made history by electing the first satirical party to the European Parliament—the Die Partei (The Party), formerly known as the Party for Labor, Rule of Law, Animal Protection, Promotion of Elites and Grassroots Democratic Initiative. Part of its parody platform involved banning tourists from engaging in a pub crawls across inner German cities.  

And in Canada’s recently concluded elections, the Rhinoceros Party – an obscure, legally registered political party – found its way into the political scene. Among its campaign promises include repealing laws of gravity as well as building taller schools to promote “higher education.”

They also committed to “keeping none of our promises.”

What do these “outliers” tell us about the character of politics today? Can these characters play a productive role in democratic life?  

The promise of no-hope candidates

Some sociologists have observed that the rise of colorful political actors is closely linked to the increasing sense of political disaffection among citizens.

Demonization of politicians has become an all-consuming character of modern politics, such that membership in political parties among western liberal democracies is in steady decline. Mistrust in politicians creates a vacuum for alternative voices to express such disillusionment, popularly manifested in the use of satirical political actors. These personalities not only provide comic relief in a tedious electoral process, but also seriously question the authenticity and moral credentials of traditional politicians. 

In Poland, for example, the Polish Beer Lovers’ Party unexpectedly won sixteen seats in the lower house in the 1990s, a victory that observers consider an expression of a post-communist society’s deep distrust against established political parties. Satire, when delivered properly, can be subversive. 

The Philippine case, however, is distinct. Most outliers who filed their COCs had no clear intentions to perform satire. Instead, they garnered an unintended satirical power through the public’s reaction to their candidacies.

When netizens say they prefer to vote for Archangel Lucifer over any of the leading presidential contenders, they produce a strong critique against the shallow pool of viable candidates. When senatorial candidate Victor Quijano is celebrated for the clarity of his platform on federalism, the chemical engineer who filed his COC wearing faded shorts and a T-shirt creates a powerful contrast against tandems whose unity is limited to the choice of color for their coordinated outfits. 

Some argue that calling political unknowns nuisance candidates is misplaced discrimination, as it is candidates who engage in vote buying, dynastic rule and intimidation who make an actual mockery of our democratic procedures. To this extent, this year’s outliers served both an entertaining and productive role in our democracy, bringing into sharp focus the tragic irony that defines the 2016 elections.

The problem that outliers expose, however, runs deeper.

Their appearance forces us to confront the fact that 6 years since we lamented the disintegration of Philippine elections into a playground of political dynasties, today, the only citizens with the courage to challenge political giants are the alleged fools who promise to legislate winter into Philippine climate. This says something about us as a society. It speaks of our inability to reclaim our political future from traditional politicians, and of our collective cowardice to organize and present credible and winnable alternatives that can get a fair shot at changing the course of our nation.

So for now, let us laugh. Because when the long list of 130 becomes a short list of 5, we will all be depressed.– Rappler.com

Nicole Curato is a sociologist. She currently holds the Australian Research Council’s Discovery Early Career Research Award at the Centre for Deliberative Democracy & Global Governance in Canberra. 

Editor's Note: This is the thank you speech delivered by Rappler editor-at-large Marites Dañguilan Vitug during the awarding ceremony of Metrobank Foundation's Journalists of the Year on October 22, 2015 at the Metrobank Plaza in Makati.

Good evening friends, guests, ladies and gentlemen:

I am thrilled and honored to be given this recognition, a wonderful gift on my first year as a card-carrying senior citizen. One is never too old for JOY.

Thank you to the Metrobank Foundation, the Probe Media Foundation, Dr Crispin Maslog for nominating me, and my two families, one bound by blood, Vet, Alab, and Marilen, and the other by work and friendship, Rappler.

Looking back on my more than 30 years a journalist, although it feels like a hundred years, here’s the image that comes to mind: throwing pebbles into still waters, each pebble creating ripple upon ripple until it reaches the shore.

This is what happens every time we write a story. But many times, the ripples go unnoticed, quiet as a whisper.

No action, no reform, no change takes place even after we’d written consistently about malfeasance in certain institutions and by officials for whom integrity is completely alien territory.

Through all these decades in journalism, I’ve learned to take the long view. Change doesn’t come swiftly and in dramatic ways. Change is incremental.

We hold a mirror to society, bear witness and, in doing so, etch marks in our collective memory, so that we do not forget.

All that we’ve written becomes part of our history, from which lessons can be learned, from which facts and stories can be unearthed to illuminate our national conversation, guide leaders, and help citizens make wise decisions not only during elections but also in supporting policy and legislation.

We are still a young nation and more journalists will come after us; they will continue to contribute to this rich repository of information and knowledge.

A recent trip to Istanbul gave me perspective. Our guide, who had the looks of a movie star, pointed to a mosque and said, nonchalantly: “That mosque is new. It is 350 years old.”

A wave of hope swept over me. 

Turkey looks back to a history comprising thousands of years. This makes the Philippines a newbie in the community of nations.

We have time to learn from our mistakes, time to mature, time for the journalism profession to clean up and adhere to ethical standards.

During the final round of interview for this award, one of the judges, Father Jett Villarin, Ateneo University president, asked me: “How do you reform the media?”

I didn’t say this then but it occurred to me that reforming the media may be as difficult as reforming the Catholic Church. I am exaggerating.

In so many words, I replied that reforms start in the newsroom, since we are a self-regulated industry. Publishers and editors need to cultivate a culture of integrity,  transparency and excellence – and apply rules rigorously.

Only when this is achieved can the media be faithful to the various voices in society, giving no one, not the powerful, not the moneyed, unfair advantage.

Only when this is achieved can the media be a true pillar of our democracy.

Thank you and good evening. – Rappler.com

Dear Manila Yacht Club members, 

It's a sunny day as I write this letter, a good day to enjoy a meal in the MYC's Old World dining room and watch the boats bobbing up and down. But it seems all is not well in your front yard.

Cultural activist Carlos Celdran has made the MYC parking lot and driveway his "P***** of the Day." (The blanked word is a Spanish word that rhymes with paella.)

In a Facebook post, he alleges that MYC members "do not want to have BIKE LANES and PEDESTRIAN walkways running by the entrance of their precious club." Carlos says, "I was told that they even have gone so far as to convince people in power to STOP the renovations in order to keep their 'historical' parking lot and driveway for their wealthy club members. All this even despite the fact that they DO NOT OWN the land in front of them."

Is this true, MYC members? Please answer Carlos' claims. I need to know because I am someone who often walks and rides a bicycle in Manila. And I have wondered why the bike lanes and walkways on Roxas Boulevard stop abruptly in the 200 or so meters in front of the MYC.

Folks, I've got news for you: You may own boats and belong to a club. But you don't own the sidewalk.

Sidewalks are for people. That is the reason why Paulo Alcazaren, award-winning landscape architect, planned lanes and paths along the entire length of Roxas Boulevard for people to walk and bike on.

Everybody's safe zone

Filipinos do walk. It is a widely held but false belief that we are too lazy to get around on our own two feet. According to this report, 20% of all trips taken in Metro Manila in 1996 were walking trips. And unless someone has secretly perfected levitation or a Floo Network, we all walk in the course of a day.

Filipinos ride bicycles. Yes, the heat and the reckless people who drive are concerns. But that hasn't stopped 87% of the labor force – 37.917 million Filipinos – from pedaling their bikes. Many of these workers are building our city: our buildings, streets, and other facilities. Though figures are hard to come by, some of them are priests, nurses, doctors, actors, artists, teachers, and the like. These people are the very same ones who are healing our bodies, feeding our minds, and lifting our spirits.

On the other hand, too many Filipinos have become couch potatoes and are getting fatter. Three out of 10 Filipino adults are obese; even our children are getting plumper. The bottom line: We need to be more active to fend off diseases such as type 2 diabetes and diseases of the heart, lungs, bones, and muscles.

But where can one safely walk, bike, or jog in Manila? MMDA records show that people on foot and people on bicycles are vulnerable on the road. (READ: DENR to require sidewalks, bike lanes in all PH roads)

The bike lanes and walkways on Roxas Boulevard can be everyone's safe zone. The boulevard can be the club that welcomes all members of the human race and maybe even their four-legged friends, too. Think of the many citizens who can be active together and make friends in a shared space. Imagine how much healthier, happier, and more productive they will be.

A business case

Making the boulevard sweeter to people who are walking or biking will be good for business. Right now, countless Filipinos and tourists are flocking to the amenities that have already been built. When Paulo's vision becomes a reality, many more people will walk and bike with their friends, woo their sweethearts, and hang out in the boulevard. Many of them will want to eat, drink, buy snacks, and watch shows nearby.

Research shows that making places better for walking can boost footfall and trading by up to 40%. People who walk spend up to 6 times more than people who drive. People on bicycles are serious shoppers, too: they buy less than do people who drive cars, but they shop more frequently.

A city for people, not cars

In short, making Roxas Boulevard better for people who walk and bike will directly benefit people and local businesses. So please do the right thing, MYC members: let go of the MYC parking lot and driveway, and allow the bike lanes and walkways to be built in front of your building.

Think of us, the majority of your fellow Filipinos. We also pay taxes, and we need all the bike lanes, walkways, and public spaces that we can get. We need to experience our city firsthand, not from behind a windshield. We want to be healthier, happier, and more productive citizens.

Let the bike lanes and walkways flow. Then join us in enjoying these amenities. Break away from the pack of rich citizens who "do not use their cities much at all."

Enrique Peñalosa, visionary mayor of Bogotá, Colombia, says: The rich are "insulated in their cars" and "they move from… apartment building to office to mall, from supermarket to country club. For them the city is a threatening, alien place to be bypassed while going from one private place to another."

Let public space remain public. Allow the bike lanes and walkways to proceed in front of your building. Then get out of your cars and meet us, your fellow citizens, face to face. Together, let us love the city. Side by side, let us build a city that is, as renowned architect Jan Gehl says, "sweet to people," not cars. – Rappler.com

Dinna Louise C. Dayao (dinnadayao@gmail.com) is an experienced writer and editor. She organized the Metro Manila Transit Riders' Union and the Change.org petition calling on President Aquino to require all public officials to ride public transit at least once a month.

The heat of the election fever and APEC preparation pale in comparison with the boiling rating of AlDub phenomenon. What would explain the fanaticism of people towards a hypermediatized kalyeserye love story of Alden Richards and Maine Mendoza (a.k.a. Yaya Dub)?

Why would Filipinos tweet on September 26, 2015, Kalyeserye’s official hashtag #ALDubEBforLOVE, which pulled in record of 26 million tweets – just a couple of million short of the Twitter record of 28.4 million global Tweets for Super Bowl in February 2015? It has even reached a global trend as Twitter Asia Pacific and Middle East Vice President Rishi Jaitly confirmed. Even foreign viewers are zealously following the AlDub phenomenon!

(On Saturday, AlDub, using the hashtag #AlDubEBTamangPanahon broke its previous record of over 26 million tweets generated for the pair's first date episode last September, and generated 27 million tweets.)

Aldub cult? “Cult” is inappropriate to describe this phenomenon for the simple reason that cult has been associated with esoteric teachings and practices. Sociologically, I prefer to describe the AlDub phenomenon as an “implicit religion”.

Religion does not necessarily have to do with beliefs in the existence of supernatural beings. Emile Durkheim, a French sociologist, defined religion in terms of the separation of the “sacred” and the “profane”. I believe that the belief in the sacred is the distinguishing mark of any religion. “Sacred” in this definition refers to those things that are especially important to an individual.

Other sociologists like Edward Bailey differentiate between implicit and explicit religion. “Explicit religion” is that identified by the participants as religion. “Implicit religion” is a kind of religion that has all the hallmarks of religion in the traditional sense, but that may be focused on elements that are secular or non-religious. Implicit religions often involve an intense level of commitment and seriousness as well as a set of beliefs and practices.

Sacred mantras

The AlDub phenomenon is a perfect example of an implicit religion. As a religion, it has its own sacred time, places, doctrines, myths of origin, rituals, altars, objects, body language (pabebe wave), and villains (Frankie Arinoli and Durizz) and saints (Alden and Yaya Dub).

Like traditional religions, AlDub commands its audience’s full attention when its segment in Eat Bulaga begins. Like people stopping and praying the Angelus in some malls, believers religiously stop to watch the kalyeserye. Hence believers ecstatically testify and confess in public and in social media on how they pause whatever they are doing to watch the series.

Aldub also has its sacred doctrines, such as “Sa tamang panahon”, “Ang pag-ibig ay di laro”, “Sa pag-ibig walang malalim na dagat.”  (At the right time, Love is not a game, In love there is no deep ocean.) 

Like charmed mantras, these quotes are retweeted, turned into memes, texted to other believers, and are posted on social media. These mantras, like Bible verses, are used to evangelize both the infidels and believers. They are instant quotable maxims for believers and non-believers who need quick advice on finding true love and  perseverance.

These sacred mantras express the values that are considered by the pilgrims on earth, to be the magic formula for finding true happiness here on earth while facing great tribulations. I wouldn’t be surprised if the AlDub believers will soon come up with a collection of these sacred texts and their commentaries.

Other than sacred doctrines, time and space, AlDub promotes we-feeling among the believers and strengthen collective solidarity among them. What connects these believers in a “virtual ecclesia” is the common faith that all that begins well, ends well.

The AlDub: Tamang Panahon concert therefore in Philippine Arena (coincidentally, the venue is the expression of power and pompous wealth of the Iglesia ni Cristo) is a good choice for officially proclaiming the power of the AlDub religion in a cathedral-like space. 

Fundamentalist?

As a religion, AlDub cannot tolerate heresies and schismatic or dissenters. Like all religions, it has the tendency to be fundamentalist and emphasize in-group solidarity. Hence criticisms against AlDub religion are often answered by virulent counter-attacks and ripostes from the believers especially in the social media. 

One must therefore be careful to put the AlDub in the negative light especially in the company of believers. It will invite scathing remarks and even cyber-bullying. You cannot win over the AlDub believers through rational arguments. AlDub is faith.

Finally, like all other religions, AlDub cannot resist the temptation of becoming a civil religion. As a civil religion it is subject to the abuse of state and state functionaries to advance their ideological agenda and legitimize state power. Hence many politicians are riding the crest of AlDub popularity. 

As a commercialized religion, however, AlDub is necessarily tied with media wars for ratings against other rival religions (it has almost reached Pacquiao-Algiere fight levels in September 19), sponsorship, and profit accumulation. But like all other religions, it also has ethical dimension. The proceeds of the Philippine Arena concert on October 24 will be donated for the construction of school libraries. What is good for business is also good for religion.

But let me leave you with a caveat. Any critical analysis of AlDub religion has to reckon with the careful reading of Marx’s famous remarks, “Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people.” Unpacking this statement in relation to AlDub requires another article. – Rappler.com

Gerry Lanuza is a sociology professor at the University of the Philippines Diliman.

“Wala kasing disiplina ang mga Pilipino (Filipinos have no discipline).” This is the usual layman explanation behind traffic woes experienced in Metro Manila. 

The common target of the “walang disiplina (no discipline)”  label are public utility vehicle (PUV) drivers. Notwithstanding the report of the Philippine National Police Highway Patrol Group (PNP-HPG) that private vehicle drivers commit more traffic violations than their PUV counterparts, the sight of PUVs loading and unloading passengers in seemingly anarchic and predatory fashion shapes much of the everyday discourse on Metro Manila’s traffic problems. (READ: Can the police fix EDSA traffic?)

The problem with the “no discipline” explanation is that it usually frames the problem at the level of individual drivers, specifically at the level of a person’s ugali (attitude). However, as many of us may have observed, PUV drivers go from being undisciplined to disciplined and back as they go from one traffic context to another. 

I believe that the lack of traffic discipline among PUV drivers is better viewed not as an individual personality trait but, rather, as a product of specific contexts where disciplined traffic behavior is not encouraged and, consequently, is not institutionalized. 

Traffic behavior

According to institutionalist scholar, W. Richard Scott, institutions are supported by 3 pillars: regulative, cultural-cognitive and normative. In places where traffic discipline has been institutionalized, rules, shared understandings, and norms are most likely working in concert to encourage and reinforce disciplined traffic behavior. 

Much of our traffic management measures operate on the regulative pillar, with emphasis on the enforcement of rules and the imposition of sanctions. The recent deployment of the PNP-HPG on EDSA to apprehend traffic violators is an example of such a regulative measure.

While strict rule enforcement could induce traffic discipline, as evidenced by the improved traffic flow in EDSA after the PNP-HPG took over the road’s traffic management, relying on regulative measures alone is not a sustainable solution. 

Traffic regulation works through coercion, which means that driver behavior and action is primarily based on her or his calculation on whether the costs and risks of possible sanctions outweigh the potential benefits of engaging in undisciplined traffic behavior. 

Regulation alone could only work through a sustained show of force, which could prove costly and impractical in the long run. To sustainably institutionalize traffic discipline, one must then go beyond the regulative pillar and work on the cultural-cognitive and the normative pillar.

In this regard, the traffic behavior of jeepney drivers whose routes pass through the University of the Philippines Diliman in Quezon City presents an interesting case. Despite minimal rule enforcement and police visibility, jeepney drivers have long been loading and unloading passengers in an orderly manner in designated zones within the UP Diliman campus. A very noticeable element that aids in the disciplined loading and unloading of jeepneys in UP Diliman is the clear designation of jeepney stops. All areas with waiting sheds along the jeepney routes are official jeepney stops, which generalizes the waiting shed as the definitive symbol of loading and unloading zones.

Many major traffic zones in Metro Manila do not have clearly defined stops. Quezon Avenue and Aurora Boulevard in Quezon City and the Quiapo Church area in Manila are some prominent examples. Arguably worse are roads like España Boulevard and Taft Avenue in Manila, where PUV drivers get cited for traffic violations when they load and unload in some areas that have waiting sheds. If these are not official stops, then why were waiting sheds constructed in these areas?

The conflict between law enforcement and cultural symbols creates ambiguity and dilutes the symbolic value of waiting sheds as common sense markers of loading and unloading zones.

Working on the cultural-cognitive pillar, recognizable symbols of designated stops are important in institutionalizing traffic discipline because it strengthens shared understandings on expected behavior not only among PUV drivers but also with their passengers. Often overlooked in traffic management schemes, disciplining passenger behavior is an important component in encouraging disciplined behavior from PUV drivers. 

The bus and jeepney stop scheme in Ayala Avenue in Makati is a good example of how clearly defined loading-only and unloading-only zones could effectively institutionalize discipline in both passengers and drivers even during times when traffic enforcers are absent.

However, strictly enforcing rules and having clearly defined loading and unloading zones may still be not enough to induce PUV traffic discipline. One clear case of this problem is EDSA, where some bus drivers still engage in undisciplined traffic behavior despite the presence of the PNP-HPG and the clear designation of bus stops. 

The problem lies in the normative pillar of institutionalization.

Possible solutions

Majority of PUVs in Metro Manila operate in a highly competitive context. 

Because of the boundary system where drivers are required to raise a certain amount of revenue for vehicle operators before they earn anything, the income of PUV drivers are dependent on the number of passengers that they get on a given day. Coupled with a lax PUV franchising system that creates a free-for-all competition for dozens of PUVs plying the same route, the boundary system induces fierce competitive attitudes, making predatory driving and one-upmanship the normative behavior for PUV drivers competing over a limited pool of passengers.

Competition-induced lack of traffic discipline is not a problem unique to Metro Manila, as this may also be observed in other areas with the same highly competitive PUV set-up. Notable examples are the urban centers in India with their chaotic run of buses and rickshaws, the city of Cairo in Egypt with their tuk-tuks (auto-rickshaws) and microbuses, and the city of Jakarta in Indonesia with their aggressive mini-buses, bajajs (tricycles), and unregulated ojeks (motorcycle taxis). 

Breaking rules and predatory behavior are products of highly competitive contexts, and this may be observed not just among PUV drivers but also in many other people engaged in a fierce competition for customers.

To institutionalize traffic discipline among PUVs in Metro Manila, there is a need to restructure PUV operations to counteract the normative effects of fierce competition. 

Three possible solutions can be readily found in actual cases in Metro Manila. First is the implementation of a fixed salary system for PUV drivers instead of a boundary system, which was already the subject of a LTFRB and DOLE order to bus operators back in 2012. The said order should be expanded to all forms of public transport, and operators should be strictly monitored for compliance. 

A second possible solution is the total dismantling of competition and the awarding of a monopoly franchise in public transport operations in a specific route. Such is the case in the public bus system in Bonifacio Global City, which is noted for its disciplined operation.

A third possible solution may be found again in the case of PUVs in UP Diliman. Jeepney drivers plying the same route are mostly members of a single transport association. Association membership creates a cooperative context, instead of a competitive one, which subsequently reduces driver tendencies to one-up their fellow drivers to get more passengers. Strong functioning transport associations create self-policing among its members, utilizing the normative force of honor and shame to compel members to behave in an appropriate manner.

In sum, the issue of lack of PUV driver discipline in Metro Manila is a matter that is best viewed not as a problem of individual personality trait or ugali, but as a product of contexts that do not encourage disciplined behavior. 

Aside from the usual regulatory measures, traffic management authorities should also look at solutions operating in the cultural-cognitive and normative pillars of institutionalization, including the clear designation of loading and unloading zones, implementation of fixed salary schemes, awarding of monopoly franchises where feasible, and the strengthening of member regulation by transport associations. 

Of course, it must be said that solutions to PUV driver discipline alone could not solve the complex Metro Manila traffic problem if problems of lack of private vehicle driver discipline, insufficient infrastructure, high population density, and unbalanced economic development are not similarly addressed. – Rappler.com

Erwin F. Rafael is an Instructor in the Department of Sociology of the University of the Philippines-Diliman.

I am the son of an overseas Filipino Worker (OFW). In 1984, the year I was born, my family was whisked away to live in Kuwait where my father worked as an engineer. In the context of growing unrest and the economic downturn of the Marcos Era, it was a decision of desperation and survival.

Eventually, our family had to leave again in the same circumstances, desperation and survival. Saddam Hussein had invaded Kuwait, and our family’s choice was either biological weapons or the desert. We struck out for the border in the desert, only to be halted by Iraqi troops. My father was separated from us. The rest of the family was turned over to the Red Crescent, and was eventually repatriated back to the Philippines. By her generosity, we settled into our aunt’s home in Pangasinan in 1990.

We never knew if Papa would come home. I can remember how my mother got into a deep depression. She cried sometimes, but always tried to remain strong for us, 5 children.

One day, my father finally turned up at our doorway in Pangasinan. It was a blissful reunion, and it seemed like everything was back to normal.

But economic realities and financial need led my father to apply once more for a job in the Middle East. It was Kuwait again for him, a country now needing more engineers to rebuild the destruction wrought by war.

It was his sweat and tears that brought all 5 of us siblings all the way through college, that supported us until we finally became financially independent. I got to be a doctor because my father was an OFW. One can only imagine the gargantuan sacrifice of my father. Just last year, there were 2.3 Million OFWs who made the same decision to leave the Philippines.

Impact of OFWs

Now I find myself abroad once again, this time studying for a year in London. During the past month, I have met many OFWs and students in the United Kingdom, all dreaming of a better future. 

In my homesick moments, I look back at all the things we take for granted back home, the special amenities and small luxuries we forget to be grateful for, paid by the price of separation.

In a practical sense, OFWs have had an enormous impact on the Philippines. Over the past 4 decades, OFWs have poured trillions of pesos in remittances into our nation. In 2014 alone, the Central Bank of the Philippines reported that a total of Php 1.20 trillion has been sent back by OFWs through official remittance channels. To give that amount more perspective, the budget allocation of the government in the same year (through the General Appropriations Act of 2014) was pegged at Php 2.265 trillion. 

It was that hard-earned money that allowed OFWs to send their children to school, to buy food, to build businesses, to purchase the latest gadgets. 

OFWs have singlehandedly uplifted the quality of life of millions of Filipinos. It is their remittances that are fuelling continued domestic consumption which, in turn, is helping businesses in the country get through the economic slump facing the region since the past decade.

Toots Ople: Leading by serving

This is precisely why the upcoming elections are of vital importance: We need OFWs to be in the electoral agenda. We need someone who can look after OFWs and their welfare. We need an ally who can reliably take care of the interests of mothers and fathers risking their lives abroad for our own welfare.

We need Susan Ople in the Senate.

For many decades, Susan “Toots” Ople has been working tirelessly to protect OFWs. Toots Ople has brought her Harvard education to good use for the country. She heads the Blas F. Ople Policy Center and Training Institute, managing daily distress calls from OFWs the world over, and helping them reintegrate as productive members of society. Toots Ople uses her voice in broadcast, print and social media to consistently promote her advocacy.

With this consistent performance, it is no wonder that Toots is the recipient of multiple awards, including the 2013 Trafficking in Persons Hero Award from the US State Department, and the 2010 Harvard Kennedy School Alumni Award. 

Toots Ople is a time-tested and hardworking servant leader with integrity.

Most importantly, among all the senatorial candidates, it is Toots Ople who has the most clearly articulated platform. In the Senate, she will have the opportunity to set a pro-worker legislative agenda instead of just lobbying for her advocacies from the sidelines. 

An important aspect of her advocacies is to relieve the many thorns in the side of OFWs and labourers such as the outdated systems at the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration and the Overseas Workers Welfare Administration, workplace discrimination, the lack of contracts for job-order and temporary workers, and illegal recruitment.

Toots Ople will take her extensive experience as an advocate and transform these into concrete laws binding employers and cementing the direction of Philippine foreign relations. With Toots Ople in the legislative, OFWs like my father would get the attention they deserve, and the protection they are entitled to.

It was thus with enormous elation that I greeted the news that Toots Ople finally launched her bid for the Senate. She had listened and embraced the clamour of the labour sector for a passionate ally in the upper chamber of Congress.

Shared responsibility

One of the first things I did in the UK was to register at the embassy to vote. Despite being thousands of miles away from home, I could feel the heat of the elections permeating through the autumn chill. 

In the comforts of the developing country and behind our own laptop and smartphone screens, we may find ourselves wondering why we should even bother. Why care about that sweltering country with its persistent traffic, unfettered commercialism, irrepressible urbanization, and regressive politics?

We should care because it is our own small corner of the world that we can call home, the place that will welcome us back with open arms and adobo and fiestas. It is the place where we shall be remembered and loved no matter long we’ve been away. It is where our families live and toil day by day. It is the reason why we do what we do, why we work and study so hard. These are our cherished tropical islands, this is our Pearl of the Orient, our Philippines.

I hope that my Filipino brothers and sisters around the world would find a renewed zest for our beloved country’s future. With our vote, let us send back our collective voice, creating a government that would change the Philippines for the better. 

With our vote, let us go to the polls with the fire of progress and the passion of advocacy burning in our hearts. With our vote, let us remember our OFWs and our labourers upon whose backs we have built a gradually modernizing Philippines. 

Let us help bring Toots Ople to the Senate. – Rappler.com

Adrian Paul J. Rabe is a Filipino physician studying at the University of London for the degree Master of Science in Health Policy, Planning and Financing. He is an advocate for health workers’ welfare, primary care, and population health.

iSpeak is a parking space for ideas and opinions worth sharing. Send your article contributions to move.ph@rappler.com. 

The Filipinos may be ready for Rodrigo Duterte, but he is not ready for the Filipinos. His reluctance to run for the presidency drives home that point. (READ: Duterte not running for president)

We are notorious whiners. We can hardly appreciate the long-term consequences of today's policies. We complain at the slightest inconvenience that we experience. We are a nation of scofflaw, according to Rene Saguisag. We nitpick over small things that only waste our time. We engage in matters that only polarize our country.  

Worse, we tend to think small and do small. Until we dare to think big and do big, the National Artist Nick Joaquin said, “we had best stop talking about 'our heritage of greatness' for the national heritage is – let’s face it – a heritage of smallness.”

Duterte cited old age for refusing to give in to the popular call. But I think, it is these flaws in our collective attitude that discourage him.

One may argue that Duterte was able to discipline Davao. He sure can do the same thing in the entire Philippines.

But that is easier said than done. The Philippines is far more unwieldy than Davao City. To replicate the Davao miracle in the entire country is impossible because there was no miracle in the first place. What Davao has accomplished today is an offshoot of a long and painful process, a process that didn't just happen in a span of 6 years – the term of a president.

Davao’s story 

When Duterte started implementing reforms many years ago, Davaoeños did complain at first. 

Consider the firecracker ban. When it was implemented, many called the mayor KJ (killjoy), or the Grinch who stole the Christmas. But after a while, we saw why Duterte is doing what he's been doing to Davao City. Every Christmas and New Year, the casualty in Davao City is almost nil. Now we are every city’s envy.

Consider, too, the criminality in Davao City. According to the list released by Numbeo.com, Davao City was perceived to be the 5th safest city in the world. I swear it’s somehow true. I usually go home late at night, but never have I experienced being robbed or mauled. People can roam around the city anytime, secure in the thought that nothing bad will happen to them. If crime does occur, it is the exception rather than the rule. 

Davaoeños attribute all these achievements to Duterte. 

At the 17th Founding Anniversary of Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption in July, Duterte was asked how to effectively fight crime.“Ang plano ko, magiging madugo 'yan, kaya 'wag na lang ako, magiging madugo (My plan is that that will be bloody, so I just won’t be bloody),” he replied.

This is classic Duterte. He’s a no-nonsense person. In his world, it’s either you obey him or not. If not, he said, you will leave this world either horizontally or vertically. 

I doubt if the Filipinos are ready for that kind of leadership. If Duterte did not run, it’s because, beyond his old age, he is so wise as to see that he would be met with the same resistance that the previous presidents had. He knew that what he did in Davao could not be done in the Philippines within 6 years. It took a long time to transform Davao.

#Duterteserye ends

On the last day of filing of certificate of candidacy, many were still hoping that Duterte would change his mind. But he stood by his decision. It crushed not a few people’s hearts. People expressed dismay in social media for being #Dutertezoned, which means Duterte just saw the people’s clamor but didn’t bother to respond.

As the #Duterteserye ends, there’s no reason to be hopeless. Let's not be devastated as if our country is already doomed. Let's not pin so much high hopes on a president, let alone on Duterte. 

The president may be the country's leader, and with the immense power and influence that he wields, he can steer this country for better or worse. But he's just one of the actors in the story of our democracy. 

I refuse to believe that Duterte is this country’s last best hope. We also play a big role in making this story come to life, for to borrow Jose P. Laurel’s words, each one of us is “a particle of popular sovereignty” and “the ultimate source of established authority.” – Rappler.com

Arvin Antonio OrtizI is a full-time high school teacher at the Basic Education Department of Holy Cross of Davao College. He is also a senior law student at the University of Mindanao College of Legal Education.

The last time, in contemporary history, that the President’s health was kept secret was during the benighted years of martial law. At the time, the illness of President Ferdinand Marcos was spoken about in whispers and subject of much speculation.

We then learned from reports in the foreign press that Marcos was suffering from lupus, “a disease in which antibodies attack the body's own tissues, including such organs as the kidneys” and “complicated by diabetes.” He then underwent kidney transplants in 1983 and 1984.

Contrast this to 1996 when a delicate operation to clear a blocked artery in the neck of President Fidel Ramos had to be performed. This was made public and the reins of government were ready to be passed on to the vice president, Joseph Estrada. 

The return of democracy has heightened public expectation and demand for transparency among our leaders. Presidential health is no longer treated as a personal issue.

The 1987 Constitution, forged in the glow of our first People Power revolution, is explicit. Article 7, Section 12 says: “In case of serious illness of the President, the public shall be informed of the state of his health.” 

Comes now presidential candidate Miriam Defensor Santiago who bravely announced, in 2014, that she was diagnosed with stage 4 lung cancer. 

Before that, she voluntarily disclosed that she had chronic fatigue syndrome and resigned her post as judge of the International Criminal Court even before assuming it. The cause of chronic fatigue syndrome is unknown, says the Mayo Clinic, “although there are many theories – ranging from viral infections to psychological stress.”

Santiago went on “qualified medical leave” from the Senate, updating the public about her condition.

In July, her office gave another health update: the senator’s cancer has been “controlled, meaning the cancer growth in her left lung has been arrested."

Santiago herself gave the latest update when she announced her bid for the presidency October 13. “I’ve already gotten over my bout of cancer,” she declared.

So it comes as a surprise that, after this serial openness about her illness, she refuses to make her medical records public, citing her right to privacy.

A medical doctor, Sylvia Estrada Claudio, had asked her to come clean about the true state of her health.

Why this sudden reticence? The feisty senator who likes to speak candidly about anything under the sun is now using “privacy” as a shield. Does she fear that she may lose votes?

Ironically, she’s a big presence online and thrives on social media where the privacy mores are blurred. In this age of Facebook and Twitter, sharing of information with a public out there has intensified.

In government service, it is a given that the bar for privacy is low. That is the price one pays for seeking public office. Even what happens in the bedroom is not spared from public scrutiny – if it affects the conduct of one's duty.

Sure, Santiago is not yet president. But as one aspiring for the highest office of the land, she has to let the voters know her medical condition.

Leading the country is a 24/7 job from which she cannot just take a “qualified medical leave” or absent herself when she feels out of sorts.

Santiago can blaze the trail by being the first presidential candidate to disclose her medical records. Let the genie of disclosure out of the bottle – never to be put back again.

This will be a legacy that can last forever (more). – Rappler.com